Eager for Glory
Page 19
“O Iupiter Feretrius, who observest the deeds of great warriors and generals in battle, I now call thee to witness, that I am the third Roman consul and general who have, with my own hands slain a general and a king! To thee I consecrate the most excellent spoils. Do thou grant us equal success in the prosecution of this war”.147
The Roman cavalry then charged the Gallic horse and infantry and won a great victory, made all the more so on account of the small number of Marcellus’ force and the greater odds it faced.148 The Gaesatae withdrew and surrendered Mediolanum (Milan) and other cities under their control and sued for terms.149 The senate awarded Marcellus a triumph in which the spoils were prominently displayed to cheers from the spectators.150 The sight of Marcellus carrying the trophy adorned with Viridomarus’ spectacular armour to the temple of Iupiter Feretrius was “the most agreeable and most uncommon spectacle”, writes Plutarch.151 Some 175 years later a descendant of Marcellus who was a tresvir monetalis used his position to commemorate the event on a special denarius (plate 27).152
There was another ancestor on Drusus’ mother’s side whose story probably inspired the young commander to uncommon acts of bravery on the battlefield. That was the story of how his family acquired its cognomen Drusus. One of his ancestors had dueled a Gallic chieftain named Drausus and by killing him “procured for himself and his posterity” the name.153
These tales of heroism and glorious deeds evidently left a deep impression on the young Claudian. The German War provided Drusus with numerous opportunites to win his own rich spoils. Suetonius remarks that he was eager for glory and “frequently marked out the German chiefs in the midst of their army, and encountered them in single combat, at the utmost hazard of his life”.154 Drusus may have been successful in his quest, “for besides his victories”, writes the biographer of the Caesars, “he gained from the enemy the spolia opima”.155 If indeed Drusus was successful – when and against which opponent is not recorded in the surviving accounts – this was an extraordinary honour. The last person to claim the honour was M. Licinius Crassus (the grandson of the triumvir) who had defeated an opponent in Macedonia in 29 BCE. His achievement was downplayed, however. Politics got in the way of him collecting his trophy. The honour was deemed too distracting to Octavianus’ efforts to consolidate his political power. Crassus was denied his eternal glory and fobbed off with a triumph. By the time Drusus had taken the rich spoils from his Germanic enemy Augustus’ power base was more solid and he could afford to allow his young stepson the public recognition.156 Indeed, it would have been first rate propaganda for here was a member of his own household who had achieved what only three other illustrious men had in the entire course of Roman history.
Family Matters
While Drusus was fighting in Germania, his brother was into the second year of a bitter campaign in Illyricum and Pannonia.157 It was not a war of conquest, for that had already been undertaken several years before, but the less glamorous burden of suppressing a rebellion. In 10 BCE Tiberius had yet to celebrate his first official triumph.158 Was Tiberius jealous of his younger brother’s high profile successes across the Rhine? Was Tiberius suspicious that his brother had become Augustus’ favourite? There is certainly a suggestion in the Latin literature of sibling rivalry and deeper resentments. Suetonius uses the word odium, ‘hatred’, to describe Tiberius’ feelings towards his younger brother at an undisclosed time in their relationship. As the only evidence for it he cites that Drusus had written a letter (epistula) to his elder brother in which he proposed they strongly urge Augustus to resign and for him to restore the institutions of the res publica.159 Tiberius “produced the letter”, presumably handing it over to Augustus himself. The consequences of this alleged action are not recorded, but Drusus’ preference for the old form of government was apparently well known, so it is hard to see how this could be damaging to him – unless it was this letter that revealed his true feelings and it was the first time Augustus learned of them.160 The letter does, however, strongly suggest that Drusus would have been opposed to a hereditary succession – including his own.
It was now summer and Drusus had to leave the campaign in the capable hands of his legates. There was a matter of provincial importance that required his return to Lugdunum.161 On 1 August the concilium Galliarum was to gather at the pagus Condate for the official opening of the sanctuary. The date chosen for the inauguration was significant on several counts. For the Gallic nations on this day they celebrated the start of the Lughnasa, the festival of Lug, the god of war and craft who had come to be associated with the Roman Mercurius.162 For the Romans, 1 August was the “natal day” of the temples of Victoria and Victoria Virgo on the Palatine Hill and on this day, Augustus had taken Alexandria from Kleopatra in 30 BCE and Drusus had taken the oppidum of the Genauni fifteen years later.163
The sanctuary complex commissioned by Drusus was a spectacular expression in stone, marble and gilt bronze of the burgeoning ‘theology of victory’ that legitimized Augustus’ vision for an expansionistic Roman commonwealth and of the place of Tres Galliae in it. The creation of a cult centre shared between three provinces was unprecedented anywhere in the Empire but relates back to the reorganization of the Tres Galliae under Augustus between 16–13 BCE and the need to create a common bond between its diverse civitates.164 It was appropriately grand (map 10). Visitors to the complex crossed from Lugdunum via a bridge over the Saône River. They first saw the amphitheatre (fig. 4), which dominated their field of view. An elaborate wooden one- or two-storey superstructure supported rows of seats for some 1,800 spectators who sat around an oval-shaped sand-covered arena measuring 67.6 metres (221.8 feet) by 42 metres (137.8 feet).165
Figure 4: Reconstruction of the front elevation of the federal sanctuary at Colonia Copia Felix Munatia Lugdunum and the Altar of Roma et Augustus. (Drawn by the author)
A wide roadway then took the visitor past the curved southern end of the amphitheatre, a walk of about 100 metres (328.1 feet), and revealed a breathtaking new vista. The architects and engineers had cunningly used the topography of the granite cliff of La Croix-Rousse towering 254 metres (833.3 feet) above Condate, removing part of a lower ledge and levelling it to create a huge raised runway-like platform. The frontage road swung out to the right and up the incline of a long ramp, and continued down on the other side, over a total distance of 1,000 Roman feet.166 The apex of the double ramp was flattened into a platform upon which stood the altar to Rome and Augustus (Roma et Augustus). We have a good idea of the appearance of the imperial cult altar because the mint at Lugdunum produced from that time on great quantities of bronze coins that show it (plate 28).167 The front south-facing frieze of the altar was decorated with the corona civica – the military decoration of an oak wreath awarded to citizens who had saved the life of another recognising the one given to Augustus for ending the civil wars – flanked by laurels.168 On each of the opposite east and west sides of the altar were likely hung copies of the clupeus virtutis, the gleaming golden shields inscribed with Augustus’ virtues of courage, clemency, justice and piety. The coins show just two columns flanking the altar. These may have been integral parts of the altar but an alternative hypothesis is that the columns were freestanding and positioned in front, or on each side of the altar.169 One theory suggests there were actually four columns arranged at the corners of the square platform, in which case the second row of columns in the stylized image on the coins is obscured by the front row.170 Each column, with its base and capital, is estimated to have risen to a height of 10.5 metres (34.4 feet).171 Surmounting each column capital was a winged Victory. A delicate statuette of a winged Victory measuring just 28 centimetres (11.0 inches) was retrieved from the Saône in 1866 and it offers a good impression of the high level of craftsmanship invested in the statues surmounting the columns of the sanctuary.172 Balancing on one foot balletically and turned to face the other, each Victory clutched a circular wreath over the altar. Remarkably a fragment of one of the gilded bronze la
urels held by a Victory statue was found in 1961 at the corner of Rue des Fantasques and Rue Grognard.173 The diameter of the laurel is 46 centimetres (18.1 inches) and from this it has been estimated that each statue stood to a height of 3.5 metres (11.5 feet) – nearly twice the life size of a typical Roman – making it clear they were intended to be seen from a distance and to impress. Covered in gold leaf, in the sunlight these statues would have sparkled against the backdrop of the drab stone of the adjacent the cliff face.
The upper level platform accessed by the ramps measured 235 metres (770.1 feet) long by 69 metres (226.4 feet) wide.174 Running along the length of the front edge of the raised platform was a drain, part of which was uncovered in 1827 when enhancements were made to the Church of St Polycarpe. It measures 1.57 metres (5.2 feet) wide by 2.13 metres (7.0 feet) high and is believed to be part of the pedestal of the altar.175 The rear of the platform was lined with a terrace upon which statues stood along its entire length. On the Roman coins that show the altar, there are also indistinct blobs just above the line of the altar. The only written reference – by Strabo – states that the names of all sixty nations of the Tres Galliae were inscribed on the terrace and nearby were sixty corresponding statues.176 All of Gaul was represented here. In the spirit of a public event, in front of the complex was a large open space from which the local population and visitors from afar could watch the proceedings.
Key to the future success of the concilium Galliarum concept was the priestly college formed to organise the annual festival. With only a limited number of positions open annually, there was intense competition for them and great prestige awaited those few who were selected. The first of the line of sacerdotes Augusti was elected from among the Aedui nation from the vicinity of Lugdunum. His name was G. Iulius Vercondaridubnus and his cognomen suggests that he, or his father, had been granted Roman citizenship either under Caesar or Augustus.177 Nothing is known of the ceremony that took place that day under his direction, but it almost certainly included all the ceremonial elements of a public sacrifice, with prayers and incantations. The officials likely gathered at the foot of the sanctuary and then made their way in procession (pompa) up the east ramp.178 The representatives of the concilium then assembled on the platform behind the altar to witness the rite and, once completed, then walked in procession down the west ramp to the amphitheatre to take their seats in the coveted first few rows. On that inauguration day, the ritual was probably led by Iulius Vercondaridubnus himself and accompanied by his guests of honour.179 These included Augustus, Tiberius and Drusus, and probably their wives too. While Drusus was campaigning in Germania, Augustus and Tiberius had returned to Lugdunum.180 The presence of the princeps and the former governor indicates just how important an occasion they considered the inauguration ceremony to be. Augustus also maintained a deep interest in the German War and wanted to be closer to the front to receive news of progress.181 Hardly had he arrived, when Tiberius’ visit was interrupted by news of a rebellion in Pannonia caused by complaints over payment of tribute and he immediately left to deal with it.182 After successfully restoring order to the troubled province, he returned again to the preëminent Gallic city where he joined Augustus and Drusus, fresh in from Germania, for the opening ceremony. As Providence would have it, on 1 August Antonia gave birth to another child (Stemma Drusorum no.15). Drusus named him after his brother, Ti. Claudius Nero.183 The happy family event must have greatly added to the excitement and joy of this memorable occasion.
With the celebrations concluded, Drusus decided not to return to the front but went instead with his stepfather and brother directly to Rome.184 For the remainder of the season, Drusus’ legates would conduct operations on their own initiative.
Chapter 6
Drusus the Consul
9 BCE
The Year of Consul Drusus
On his return to Rome, as Propraetor and a senator, Drusus would have debriefed the conscript fathers on the course of the war in Germania. He had a good story to share with them. He had maintained their strong support throughout the war and in recognition of his achievements to date he was elected consul for the following year. On 1 January 9 BCE, Drusus was duly sworn in.1 Fifty-three years earlier when M. Tullius Cicero had been elected to the highest position in the Roman Republic, consules were elected to carry out three responsibilities: to command Rome’s armies, to preside over meetings of the Senate, and to see that its decisions were implemented.2 In those days by law a two-year interval was required following the candidate’s praetorship and him standing for the consulship.3 Under the reforms of 27 BCE the ancient comitia centuriata, which had elected the consuls for hundreds of years, lost their powers and the senate chose two men from among its ranks themselves – no doubt, with strong guidance from Augustus.4 Thereafter, the consulship became largely honorary.5 The tradition of naming the year after the two consules, however, endured. In the Roman calender 9 BCE would forever be known as ‘the year of Nero Claudius Drusus and T. Quinctius Crispinus’.6 His co-consul was a descendant of the same name who had served in the highest office of state with one of Drusus’ own ancestors – none other than M. Claudius Marcellus – while campaigning against Hannibal Barca during the Second Punic War. When out on a reconnaissance mission to locate Hannibal, the two men found themselves surrounded by their opponent’s troops in an ambush. Marcellus was killed during the encounter, but Crispinus managed to escape with his life.7 Hardly anything is known about Drusus’ partner save that he would become famous for the lex Quinctia passed on 30 June of that year which made it an offence punishable by a fine up to 100,000 sestertii plus the costs of repairs for wantonly damaging or breaking into the public aqueducts to divert water without permission.8
On 30 January – Livia’s birthday – Drusus took part in the consecration of the Ara Pacis Augustae, an altar erected to honour the personification of the pax Augusta, the peace made possible by Augustus.9 It was commissioned by the Senate on 4 July 13 BCE and had taken three and a half years to design and build.10 It was located outside the pomerium of the city in the Campus Martius west of the via Flaminia on the floodplain of the Tibur River. Fragments of the altar were discovered in the silt in 1568 and reassembled under Benito Mussolini in 1938.11 Carved of gleaming white marble, it measures 11.6 metres (38.1 feet) by 10.6 metres (34.8 feet) the altar is considered to be an architectural masterpiece of the Augustan age.12 The altar proper stands on a raised podium within an enclosure in the style of a templum. An opening measuring 3.6 metres (11.8 feet) wide, with ten steps on the west side, allows access to the altar.13 On the outside wall of the enclosure, above a lower panel decorated with volutes of acanthus, is the depiction of a procession. Here are assembled the good and great of Rome: the Vestal Virgins, the Pontifex Maximus, members of the priestly colleges and their religious attendants, the consuls and state officials accompanied by lictores. They are followed by men, women and children who were friends and family of Augustus. One interpretation of the event depicted in the frieze is that it represents the suovetaurilia Augustus ordered to be offered annually at the site on the anniversary of the day the senate had commissioned the altar marking his return (reditus) from his extended stay in the Tres Galliae and Hispaniae in 13 BCE.14 However, an equally plausible explanation is that the frieze shows the actual consecration ceremony (dedication) for the altar in 9 BCE.
The procession on both sides of the external north and south walls flanking the entrance forms a single line seen from opposite sides, as the participants move towards the steps at the front of the altar. The figures are lifesize and appear to be the individual likenesses of the participants. Augustus is shown as Pontifex Maximus among the group at the front of the line. Further down stands M. Vipsanius Agrippa clutching a scroll in his right hand. His head is covered respectfully with his toga, perhaps recognising the fact of his death, which occurred during the carving of the frieze. Behind him is Livia Drusilla and her hand rests upon the head of a young girl.15 Following her is the figure of
Tiberius looking serious and wearing a toga and ankle-length closed boots of a high status Roman. Behind him, a woman pauses to listen to a man who is talking to her (plate 31). He is slightly taller than the woman. The man is seen in profile and is not dressed like the other men in the procession. He wears the paludamentum, the military cloak over his left shoulder, and caligae, the sturdy boots worn by soldiers upon his feet. This is surely Nero Claudius Drusus, the commander of the Rhine army? Drusus appears to be speaking, while a boy clutches the edge of his cloak and chats with another older boy by his side. As he talks Antonia listens while holding the hand of a very young, well-behaved boy – presumably her oldest son, Nero – who wears child size national Roman costume.16 It is a surprisingly intimate moment for such a public monument, a snapshot in a virtual photo album of members of the imperial family in peaceful celebration of a religious rite on the First Lady’s birthday, preserved for the ages in marble.
The year did not begin well, however. Strange events in the city presaged very bad things to come. Probably drawing on the accounts of chroniclers, Dio meticulously records that several buildings in Rome were damaged or even destroyed during a ferocious storm, including the temples of Iupiter and his companion gods on the Capitolinus.17 Drusus was counselled by the soothsayers to beware of these supernatural warnings but he “paid no heed to any of these things”.18 He had been mindful of ill omens before, but he was intent on completing his mission and this time nothing would stop him. Drusus was a young man in a hurry. Perhaps we now see evidence of that headstrong stubbornness which was a characteristic trait of the Claudians and which often landed men of the clan in trouble.19