Figure 6: Drusus’ final resting place was a nîche in Augustus’ Mausoleum, Rome, here in a reconstruction based on written accounts of the time and archaeological evidence. (Drawn by the author)
The senate also voted to award Drusus posthumously the agnomen Germanicus – ‘conqueror of the Germani’.48 It was the first time a Roman commander had been given this title.49 Indeed, Drusus joined an élite group of Roman generals proudly bearing their battle honours as part of their name. This club of formidable Romans included P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus, who defeated Hannibal Barca at the Battle of Zama in 202 BCE; L. Aemilius Paulus Macedonicus who was victorious at the Battle of Pydna in 168 BCE; Q. Caecilius Metellus Numidicus who inflicted a defeat upon King Jugurtha at the Battle of the Muthul in 108 BCE; P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, who successfully commanded operations against the pirates and Isauri in Cilicia in the eastern Mediterranean in the 70s BCE; and G. Octavius Thurinus, Augustus’ own natural father, who mopped up the last of Spartacus’ rebel gladiators at Thurii in 60 BCE.50 The prestige of the title is demonstrated by the fact that it was also made hereditary, passing to Drusus’ surviving male heirs. His eldest son, now aged six, immediately adopted Germanicus as his praenomen in lieu of the name Tiberius his father had given him. The name was quickly adopted for official public use. Not long after the Senate issued its decree, in a northern suburb of the city, a group of craftsmen working on an inscription to mark the completion of work on restoring an altar received orders from their foreman to recut it: they erased the text and carved it anew including as much of the title as space would allow (see Ancient Sources).51
That Livia was distraught by the loss of her son is recorded by Seneca the Younger. “She never ceased,” he wrote,
from proclaiming the name of her dear Drusus. She had him pictured everywhere, in private and in public places, and it was her greatest pleasure to talk about him and to listen to the talk of others – she lived with his memory.52
Yet as was expected of a Roman matron, she maintained severe restraint in displaying her personal emotions.53 It became the source of inspiration for poets. One that survives is an elegiac poem written by someone purporting to have been a spectator at the event.54 Who he was precisely is not known though he is often identified as P. Ovidius Naso (Ovid) or C. Albinovanus Pedo. This ‘pseudo-Ovidian poet’ calls upon the “mother of the Neros” not to disguise her grief and speaks of the life and military exploits of her son Drusus who serves as a model for others to copy, matched by Antonia.55 Tiberius too had been devastated by his brother’s death.56 The city’s tearful population had come out in droves to share in Livia’s sorrow at the funeral and sought to know why the gods had let Drusus die – even Mars and Tibur expressed their grief, wrote the poet, the river being dissuaded by the war god not to flood and extinguish the flames of the pyre.57 Drusus’ achievements and his great merits would endure through the ages, reassured the poet.58 The elegy ends on the hopeful note that her son would now be in Elysium greeted by the shades of the departed ancestors.59 She should not weep, he urged, for Drusus would not wish her to.60
Meanwhile, the Senate, similarly sensitive to Livia’s grief, ordered statues of Drusus to console her (plate 31). One of these was erected upon a column in the portico of the Temple of Apollo on the Palatinus where it stood among other images of Romans “of distinguished character”.61 According to the Tabula Hebana his peers actually called Drusus a fecundi ingeni – a fecund or exuberant genius – the fact of which they would be reminded whenever the Conscript Fathers were convened at that place.62 Generously, the Senate also requested that Livia be enrolled among the élite band of women having three children, which accorded parents several privileges under the ius trium liberorum passed by Augustus.63 This act granted the father or mother of three legitimate children preferences for their issue in standing for public office before the stipulated age or without the required interlude between holding office, which would benefit Drusus’ two surviving sons in their political careers.
Figure 7: Drusus’ Cenotaph in Mainz, Germany – here reconstructed from the ruined ‘Drususstein’ and similar tumulus monuments of the period – was his troops’ tribute to his memory. (Drawn by the author)
In Mogontiacum “on the bank of the Rhenus itself” the soldiers erected their own lasting tribute to their deceased commander (tumulus honorarius, kenotaphion).64 The stone and mortar core of the monument has been identified as the Eichelstein on the Jakobsberg, nowadays a quiet museum park in the busy city of Mainz. Its design echoes the tombs of nobles that lined the roads approaching the city of Rome, like the ‘Tumulus of the Servilii’, which is iconic of Augustan period funerary architecture.65 It consisted of a large, square base upon which was a cylindrical drum surmounted by a conical roof or tumulus (fig. 7). At the very top may have been a simple acorn finial, or a tropaeum or perhaps a statue of Drusus gazing out across the Rhine River to the lands he conquered.66 It was finished with a facing of marble or stone and likely bore an inscription. At an estimated 100 Roman feet (30 metres) high, it was the tallest memorial north of the Alps.67 Suetonius records that the tumulus was the focal point for an annual event “on a stated day” including a ceremonial race or run by serving soldiers.68 Delegates from the cities of Tres Galliae also observed the day with prayers and sacrifices.69 In the lands he once administered a cult of Drusus now took root. These ceremonies were still taking place more than a quarter century after his death. In two of the badly damaged fragments of the so-called tabula Siarensis – bronze tablets found at Siara in southern Spain – are preserved the words of a senatorial decree concerning posthumous honours for Drusus’ son Germanicus. The partially reconstructed text reads:
A third arch should be erected either at [the winter camp of the army of the Roman people or next to the tumulus] which [the mourning army began] for Drusus, the brother of Tiberius Caesar Augustus [our princeps], and then [completed] with the permission of the divine Augustus, [and on top of that arch a statue of Germanicus Caes]ar should be placed, receiving [the standards recovered from the Germans, and the Ga]uls and Germans who [live] on this side of the Rhine, [the same states who were instructed by the Divine] Augustus [to make] sacrifice at the tumulus [of Drusus should be ordered to make a similar] sacrifice [at public expense in the same place] to the gods of the underworld [every year on the day that Germanicus Caesar died] and when [an army of the Roman people] should be in that region [it should offer sacrifice on that day, or on the birthday] of Germanicus Caesar [and it should march through the arch that is erected in accordance with this decree of the senate].70
The senate ordered that another arch be erected in Rome specifiying that:
On top of this arch a statue [of] Ger[manicus Caesar] should be placed in a triumphal chariot, and around its sides statues [of] D[rusus Germanicus his father], the natural brother of Tiberius Caesar Augustus and of Antonia [his] mother [and of his wife Agrippina and] of [Li]via his sister and of Tiberius Germanicus his brother and of his sons and da[ughters].71
The decree offers important evidence for the development of the notion of the imperial family and of the ideology of the ruling regime.72 Drusus was a central figure in this conception, and his military achievements and ultimate sacrifice helped legitimise the Julio-Claudian dynasty. Even in death, Drusus was useful to Augustus and his successors.
When news of Drusus’ death reached Herodes in far away Iudaea, the regent decided to commemorate Augustus’ youngest stepson in one of the building projects of which he was most proud. Josephus records that the “tallest and most magnificent tower” of the outer harbour wall of Caesarea was henceforth called the ‘Drusion’ or ‘Drusium’.73 Its magnificence is suggested by the fact that the tower may have also contained royal chambers with high-level views over this cosmopolitan city which could be enjoyed by Herodes and members of his family when visiting.74 On account of its great height the tower also functioned as a lighthouse at night.75 For centuries to come, ships would be guided in
to one of the ancient world’s busiest ports by the light of the ‘Tower of Drusus’.
Rumour accompanied Drusus’ arrival into the world and now it followed him on his departure from it. Stories began to circulate that Drusus had been poisoned by none other than Augustus.76 The biographer of the Caesars reports that Drusus had been ordered to return to Rome but “made no haste to comply with the order”, though when that act of insubordination occurred is not recorded.77 The alleged disobedience and his fatal accident shortly thereafter were connected in some people’s minds who then saw a conspiracy behind his death as the most obvious explanation. People sought deeper motives. Drusus’ republican sympathies were apparently widely known. “The memory of Drusus was held in honour by the Roman people,” remarked Tacitus, “and they believe that had he obtained empire, he would have restored freedom”.78 Had Augustus perceived Drusus as a threat to his position? The princeps’ biographer asserts that he himself disbelieved the rumour adding that Augustus was extremely fond of his youngest stepson. Augustus had, in point of fact, declared before the senate that Drusus was a joint-heir along with Gaius and Lucius (adopted in 17 BCE) in the event of his death.79 His eulogy at the Circus Flaminius had publicly expressed deep sentiments of love and admiration for his stepson. Furthermore, Augustus wrote a prose memoir of the life of Drusus, which is sadly entirely lost to us – all the more so because it was a personal memoir from someone who knew him intimately.80 It was Augustus too who had composed the verse – also now lost – that appeared on the plaque above his urn in the great family mausoleum.81 These did not seem to Suetonius like the calculated actions of a man intent on destroying a rival.
Notwithstanding his grief at losing Drusus, Augustus was still intent on concluding the German War in Rome’s favour.82 Florus remarks that the Germanic nations were defeated but not yet subjugated, and that they respected the Romans’ moral qualities (mores) under Drusus’ rule more than they did Rome’s military might.83 It now fell to Tiberius to assume command of the Rhine army and in 8 BCE he departed for the front.84 Where Drusus had generally preferred the gladius to bring the German to his will, his older brother’s favoured weapon was diplomacy backed by the threat of force.85 It had served him well in Parthia and he evidently felt it would be worth trying again in Germania. Indeed, it was an insightful judgement. Hearing that Tiberius had mobilized his forces and crossed the Rhine, the nations living in the region bounded by the Ems, Lippe and Weser rivers sent emissaries to him to sue for peace.86 Initially absent, however, were the Sugambri.87 According to Dio, Augustus told Tiberius he would not accept terms from the Germans unless the Sugambri were part of the peace deal.88 The Romans and Sugambri embarked on a course of brinkmanship lasting several weeks. The Sugambri sent envoys who seemed unwilling to, or had been instructed not to, take the negotiations with the gravity the Romans expected. His patience tried, Tiberius had the Sugambrian delegation arrested, split up and distributed among the cities of Tres Galliae.89 The imprisoned ambassadors were very distressed by this unexpected turn of events and allegedly committed suicide (though that may have been cynical propaganda spin on a series of grubby behind-closed-doors executions). The stakes having now risen to the point where outright war might once again break out, the Sugambri finally returned prepared to negotiate terms. The result was a stunning U-turn by the Germanic nation that had for a generation led the offence against Rome. Tiberius’ calculated gamble had paid off. It provided timely propaganda the princeps needed for the audience at home. Displaying his talent for propaganda, Augustus states in his own memoirs that Maelo of the Sugambri was one of several named kings that “sent me supplications”.90 The terms offered to the Sugambri were different than those offered to the other nations. Like the Ubii before them, the Sugambri agreed to be relocated across the Rhine – Eutropius mentions 40,000 people – to the vicinity of Vetera where they became known as Ciberni, Cuberni or Cugerni, under the watchful eyes of the men of Legiones XVII and XVIII.91 Soon the Sugambri, like the Ligures, Raeti and Vindelici of the Alps before them, were supplying men for the Roman army. The cohors Sugambrorum quickly earned a reputation as a fierce fighting unit characterised by blood chilling war chanting and clashing of weapons before battle.92 Of the fate of Maelo the warchief, history is silent. Perhaps he settled in to a quiet life as a Romano-Germanic gentleman farmer, or he may have led one of the new military units under his own name and found adventure far from his new home.
For his victories, Augustus granted Tiberius the title of imperator and an equestrian triumph.93 He then took up his second term as consul with Cn. Calpurnius Piso.94 In his address to the senate on 1 January 7 BCE Tiberius set out his aspirations for the year and among them was the repair of the Temple of Concordia.95 Upon its entablature, he said, would be written a dedication from both himself and his brother Drusus. The session concluded, he rode his horse as triumphator along the via Sacra to the adulation of cheering crowds, enjoying a well-deserved occasion for public recognition, before ascending to the Temple of Iupiter Capitolinus for a feast with members of the senate.96
Later that year he returned to Germania to deal with fresh disturbances there: despite the peace treaties of the previous year, the natives were ever restless.97 They rebelled again in 1 CE while L. Domitius Ahenobarbus – the first official legatus augusti pro praetore appointed by Augustus to provincia Germania – was campaigning.98 Ahenobarbus (‘bronze beard’) achieved what Drusus had not by crossing the Elbe River. He engaged the Hermunduri, whom he relocated to the region of Bohaemium in part of the territory already occupied by the Marcomanni. The Romans met no opposition from Marboduus’ people and even formed a “pact of friendship” with them.99 At the marketplace of the Ubii on the Rhine River Ahenobarbus set up an altar to Roma et Augustus, replicating the one Drusus had established at Lugdunum.100 The town changed its name from Oppidum Ubiorum to Ara Ubiorum to reflect its new status as a cult centre and Ahenobarbus also set up his provincial headquarters there.101 He attempted to negotiate for a number of hostages held by the Cherusci, but the involvement of other tribes as intermediaries resulted in failure and brought contempt for the Romans among the Germanic nations.102
All was not well in the imperial household, however. Tiberius had thrown a fit for reasons scholars still debate and went into a self-imposed seven year exile to Rhodes.103 Only after a reconciliation with Augustus did Tiberius return again to deal with the situation in Germania in 4 CE.104 Sharing command of the campaign with Tiberius this time was G. Sentius Saturninus, the new legatus augusti pro praetore, who had been a legionary legate under Drusus.105 During the next two years, Oberaden was abandoned and the legions moved to new forward positions at Anreppen and Haltern and along the Lippe, while the unit that had been stationed at Dangstetten was subsequently moved to Oberhausen near Augsburg in 9 BCE, and transferred again to a new 37 hectare site at Marktbreit am Rhein in Bavaria eighteen years later.106 An amphibious campaign retraced the route taken by Drusus which took the fleet via the North Sea to the Elbe and sailed it upstream. Meanwhile, a land invasion led to the Cherusci, Chatti and others suing for peace terms.107 Under the energized force of Roman military might it seemed Germania Libera would finally bow to the Roman yoke. Indeed, the process of Romanisation of Germania had already begun.108 In large part due to Drusus’ explorations, the Romans had a much better understanding of the extent of Germania Magna and its peoples. Writing in the 80s and 90s CE Tacitus mentions forty tribes by name, almost five times the number recorded in Iulius Caesar’s Gallic War. Civilian settlements were being established. The remains at Waldgrimes in the Lahn valley discovered in 1993, complete with a basilica and forum dated using dendrochronology to 4 BCE, are proof of this.109 Other similar settlements may yet lie awaiting discovery by archaeologists.
In Rome Augustus’ carefully laid plans for succession had begun to unravel. In 2 CE Lucius died and three years later his brother Caius passed away. Faced with the prospect of dying without a successor, on 26 June 4 CE Augustus a
dopted both Tiberius and Agrippa Postumus (the youngest and only surviving son of Vipsanius Agrippa and Iulia).110 That same year, at the princeps’ request, Tiberius adopted Drusus’ eldest son, Germanicus, who was now 19 years’ old (plate 33).111 In 5 or 6 CE, while Tiberius was waging war again over the Rhine, Germanicus and Claudius laid on gladiatorial games in honour of their father, to which the public responded with approval “for this mark of honour” feeling “comforted” by the recognition.112 In another public display of pietas for his brother, in 6 CE Tiberius dedicated the Temple of Castor and Pollux in his own name and that of Drusus, now dead since fifteen years.113 In the same year both Augustus and Tiberius were acclaimed imperator and the governor Sentius Saturninus was granted triumphal honours for brokering not one but two truces with the Germanic nations.114 In late 6 CE, Tiberius executed his own plan to take on the Marcomanni in their homeland of Bohaemium.115 It was the largest operation ever conducted by the Roman army, with at least twelve legions involved. However, hardly had they advanced north a rebellion in Pannonia – triggered by resentment at the punitive tribute levied on its peoples – stopped the massed army in its tracks and it had to be recalled.116 It would take three years of blood and treasure to quell the revolt. Taking part in suppressing that violent insurgency was a young noble of the Cherusci leading a Roman cavalry unit. He had received privileges directly from Augustus himself and assumed the name C. Iulius Arminius.
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