When FDR chose the senator from Missouri as his vice presidential running mate in 1944, Eleanor joined several other members in FDR’s circle of advisors in questioning Mr. Truman’s ability to assume the office of president, should it become necessary, at such a critical time in national and international affairs. She was well aware that FDR’s health was declining rapidly, but she also knew of his determination to end the war in Europe and the Pacific and hoped that he would live to witness the culmination of his last twelve years of work. His tireless pace, however, would hasten the inevitable. Although she had doubts and in fact would not offer her endorsement until very late, Grandmère eventually recognized in Mr. Truman a dormant potential that would awaken immediately upon his assumption of the presidency. His ability to grasp the complex intricacies of the fall of the Nazi terrorist reign in Europe, his capacity to alone make the troubling decision to use the nation’s atomic arsenal to quickly bring the Japanese empire into submission in the Pacific, and his delicate maneuvering on the broad and diverse diplomatic front to begin rebuilding a peaceful world would quickly gain her admiration and respect.
When asked about President Truman’s convictions prior to being thrown into the presidency in a 1957 television interview with TV commentator Mike Wallace, she said, “No, I would not have [said he had great convictions]. Again, I did not know him very well before. I would say of Mr. Truman that he rose to the responsibilities thrust upon him in a manner that was very remarkable really, and that his big decisions very likely are going to mean he will go down in history as one of our very good presidents.”7
During his first difficult yet triumphant year in office President Truman would often seek the advice and counsel of Grandmère for no other reason than he feared her stature among black and women voters. In fact, she continued to be the “friend of the people” and seemed always to be as in tune with the nation’s sentiment as anyone possibly could be. She had been an early and vocal advocate of a world body that could foster a peaceful world and embody the coexistence of all people through understanding, love, and social, political, and economic equality. Grandmère still supported the original concept of the League of Nations, a concept that would evolve into the United Nations, and so in 1946, at the outset of this bold experiment in world peace, President Truman would again thrust Eleanor Roosevelt onto center stage by appointing her to the American delegation to the United Nations, much to the chagrin of her detractors and against the advice of some of his own advisors. Although there were often tense relations between them, I believe he recognized Grandmère’s unfailing dedication to the cause, along with a depth of compassion and understanding that would be vital to the future of a world of peace and equality.
With President Truman in the Oval Office in 1947, likely conferring about the United Nations and her appointment to the first US delegation.
Shown at the first convening of the UN in 1946, Grandmère’s participation was not universally popular, especially among her colleagues in the delegation.
A Legacy in Her Own Right
As for accomplishments, I just did what I had to do as things came along. I got the most satisfaction from my work in the UN. There I was part of the second great experiment to bring countries together and to get them to work for a peaceful atmosphere in the world…
WHEN PRESIDENT TRUMAN CALLED Grandmère to tell her of his intentions to appoint her to the first delegation to the United Nations, she voiced skepticism as to her knowledge of international affairs and of parliamentary protocol. At the urging of her family and friends, in whom she confided she reluctantly agreed, and feeling that she had a duty to serve if asked by the president, she wrote:
Some things I can take to the first meeting: A sincere desire to understand the problems of the rest of the world and our relationship to them; a real goodwill for people throughout the world; a hope that I shall be able to build a sense of personal trust and friendship with my co-workers, for without that understanding our work will be doubly difficult.
As the Scripps-Howard columnist Thomas L. Stokes would comment, “she has convictions and does not hesitate to fight for them. The New Deal era was richer for her influence in it. That influence was far greater than appeared publicly.”1 Stokes would go on to say “She, perhaps better than any other person, can represent the little people of this country, indeed of the world.” But Westbrook Pegler, the noted conservative columnist who throughout her tenure in Washington had been her harshest critic, even to the point of mudslinging, personal attacks, and outright vulgarity, criticized her appointment as a complete waste of money for an undeserving representative. Although the appointment was generally lauded throughout the United States and the rest of the free world, there were skeptics of her ability to be tough enough to “stand up to the Russians” and questions about her lack of diplomatic experience.
The U.S. delegation consisted of some of the most prestigious names in American diplomacy: Secretary of State James F. Byrnes; U.S. representative on the Security Council Edward Stettinius Jr.; Senator Tom Connally, chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee; Senator Arthur Vandenberg, ranking member of the Foreign Relations Committee; and Eleanor. Alternate members included the chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committe, Representative Sol Bloom; the committee’s ranking Republican member, Charles A. Eaton; the former chairmen of both the Democratic and Republican Parties, Frank Walker (also a former postmaster general) and John G. Townsend; and, finally, John Foster Dulles.
In January 1946 the delegation arrived at Southampton, England. Grandmère with delegation members, from left to right, Arthur Vandenberg, Edward Stettinius, and Tom Connally.
Even among her colleagues in the delegation there was considerable skepticism about her appointment, not to mention jealousy over the attention accorded her upon their arrival in London for that first General Assembly meeting. The opening of the first session was presided over by the assembly’s newly elected president, Paul Henri Spaak, the Socialist foreign minister of Belgium. In accepting his election as the first president, Spaak solemnly took special note of those present “who have done much more for peace than I have.” He then followed:
Among them there is one delegate to whom I wish to extend particular sympathy and tribute. I refer to her who bears the most illustrious and respected of all names. I do not think it would be possible to begin at this Assembly without mentioning her and the name of the late President Roosevelt and expressing our conviction that his disappearance was a great grief to us all and an irreparable loss.
Great Britain expressed its gratitude for FDR’s support during World War II with a most remarkable memorial, dedicated by Grandmère in 1948.
Her time in London was extremely busy, possibly busier than any of the other delegates since she was invited to attend countless social engagements, make unending speeches, have visits with the Churchills and other old friends, and visit the royal family. In fact, there were so many speeches that at one point she completely lost her voice for several days.
Committee III
Grandmère was assigned to Committee III, dealing primarily with immigrant and refugee issues; an assignment considered to be of little consequence by the other members. As it turned out, however, this committee quickly became contentious, a real hotbed of East-West conflict. To put it simply, the Russian and Communist position was that the refugee question, which addressed the fates of more than one million men, women, and children, was not the business of the international community but something to be dealt with as each individual country saw fit—regardless of the brutality involved. The debate raged for weeks, with Grandmère confronting Andrei Vishinsky, head of the Russian delegation and a seasoned, wily, and most formidable debater. Vishinsky was outraged that he would have to debate Eleanor Roosevelt, as not only was this a woman known throughout the world for her humanitarian views and sympathies; this was the wife of one of the world’s most revered men… even in his own Russia. Always spoken without prepared text or the
scantest of notes, Grandmère’s arguments, which blended historical and factual examples of refugee brutality with common sense and a smattering of emotionalism, proved quite persuasive, so much so, in fact, that her staunchest critics on the U.S. delegation, John Foster Dulles in particular, were soon singing her praises as “one of the most solid members of the delegation.” They were all amazed at her rhetorical abilities, her calm under fire, and above all her excellent judgment. Respect for her soared to new heights. Originally written off as a “rattle-brained” woman by some of her colleagues, Grandmère left London at the conclusion of that first General Assembly with a feeling of pride of accomplishment, as did her colleagues. It was a difficult time, that first assembly of the new world body, but it proved to be a preamble to what lay ahead.
Originally one of her most vocal detractors, John Foster Dulles, above with ER and Adlai Stevenson, soon became one of her strongest supporters.
One of Grandmère’s more persuasive arguments during her frequent “discussions” with Mr. Vishinsky was when she referenced the guarantees of fundamental human rights as written into the original UN charter. It was, in her opinion, significant that the charter provided for the establishment of a commission for the promotion of human rights, and it was the aim of the United States to see a Declaration of Rights annexed to the charter. Since no one coming out of the London meeting better personified the cause for human rights than she, was it any wonder that the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations would ask her to serve on the start-up (or “nuclear”) Human Rights Commission? It was none other than her colleague and early nemesis Senator Arthur Vandenberg who vociferously acclaimed her appointment. It should be remembered that following FDR’s death, Senator Vandenberg voiced the strongest opposition, at times in most unflattering ways, to the announcement of ER’s appointment to the London delegation. Now he would say, at almost every opportunity, “I want to say that I take back everything I ever said about her, and believe me it’s been plenty!”2 At the first meeting of the new Human Rights Commission Eleanor was elected chairwoman by acclamation. Throughout 1946 the debate over repatriation of refugees raged, with Grandmère again locking horns with the Russian delegate Mr. Vishinsky. And again Grandmère vanquished the venerable Russian.
At the December 1948 Paris press conference announcing the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, considered Grandmère’s most important lifetime accomplishment.
Grandmère, at almost six feet in height, seemed to tower above her most formidable opponent in the human rights debate, Russia’s delegate Andrei Vishinski (to the left of ER).
Madame Chairwoman
In 1947 President Truman, more convinced than ever of Eleanor Roosevelt’s diplomatic skills and capabilities, appointed her to a four-year term as the U.S. representative on the eighteen-nation Human Rights Commission. And once again she was elected chairwoman by unanimous vote. Serving with her were the commission’s vice-chairman, Dr. PengChung Chang of China, and Dr. Charles H. Malik of Lebanon as secretary (rapporteur). The plenary session of the commission was marked primarily by long discussions of philosophical interpretation, as in defining the role and responsibilities of the individual to a society, or society to the individual; in other words, what comes first, the needs of the individual or the needs of the society?
A drafting committee was established to develop a working document for debate by the members of the commission. Meeting after meeting was devoted to new drafts, with long hours spent quibbling over minute phraseology or even single words. Eventually the original drafting committee of three was expanded. Under the direction of Chairwoman Roosevelt the committee began preparing a bill, a bill that stood some chance of being acceptable to the full body of the fifty-five member nations of the United Nations. Although specificity of the wording was a concern, a more troubling consideration was the character of the rights that were to be included. Smaller nations wanted something more than a mere “moral manifesto”; they wanted states to assume a “treaty obligation to grant, protect, and enforce the rights enumerated in the Declaration.”3 Grandmère, in an effort to assuage both sides, suggested that two documents be prepared—one a Declaration of Principles that would enumerate a “common standard of achievement” and the other a more precise Convention that would become a treaty obligation and part of the laws of those nations ratifying it.
To further complicate matters, there was a changing tide of sentiment in the United States toward the United Nations, and specifically around the rising belligerence of the Russians. The end of World War II did not bring world peace as expected, the aggressiveness of the Soviet Union and its allies was of increasing concern, and the return to a robust postwar economy had not yet occurred. Suddenly there was considerable doubt that the United States would ratify a Convention, even one that was principally authored by its own delegation, and perhaps not even a Declaration. It was clear that Grandmère had her work cut out; not only would she and her drafting team have to develop documents that were acceptable to the majority of the members of the Human Rights Commission, and eventually to the United Nations membership as a whole, but she would likewise have to convince her own government of the importance of accepting the final product.
Throughout the remainder of 1947 and the first six months of 1948 the drafting process proceeded at an excruciating pace. The skills required to resolve the wording for a final Declaration of Human Rights was absolutely incredible. In an “almost final” draft the opening of the first article, patterned after the United States’ Declaration of Independence, began, “All men are created equal…” This would never do, said some of the women delegates, many of whom served in very senior positions within their own countries. They feared that within their countries such wording would be interpreted literally, making the declaration applicable to men only. In the final version the opening was changed to “all human beings,” and subsequent articles began “everyone” or “no one.” Then the “are created” became a contentious point, particularly with delegates from Communist nations, who said it implied a Divine Creator, and so “are created” was changed to “are born.” Finally, the week before Christmas 1947, the commission delegates approved a final Declaration version by a vote of 13-4. Grandmère had proved a relentless taskmaster, driving her colleagues to near exhaustion, but the endless hours and constant deliberations had finally brought reward. There would have to be some fine-tuning before submitting the Declaration to the General Assembly (primarily to put it into words even the common man could understand), but a finished product appeared close at hand, much to the relief of Grandmère.
After eighty-five grueling, tedious sessions, the Declaration was finally approved by Committee III and referred to the General Assembly.
At 3:00 A.M., December 10, 1948, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was passed by the General Assembly of the United Nations. The vote: 48 for, 8 Soviet bloc abstentions, 2 absent, 0 opposed. In a rare display of emotion and personal tribute, the entire assembly of delegates rose in unison to accord Grandmère a standing ovation. As she would write, “Long job finished.” Accolades poured in from around the world, but perhaps none was more poignant than that of Helen Keller, who wrote after reading the Declaration in Braille, “my soul stood erect, exultant, envisioning a new world where the light of justice for every individual will be unclouded.”
Here with a Spanish translation of the Universal Declaration, I think Grandmère’s tremendous satisfaction is apparent.
When people think of Grandmère today, of all of her work over the years and in so many different areas of human concern, the single greatest accomplishment most would accord to her life was passage of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. She was proposed for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1948 and nominated by President Kennedy in 1961. Although she never received the Nobel, the first United Nations Human Rights prize was awarded to her posthumously, an award I suspect she would have found even more gratifying than the Nobel Peace Prize, since it was rec
ognition accorded by those colleagues to whom she felt closest.
Eleanor Roosevelt would conclude her appointment as a member of the U.S. delegation to the United Nations in 1953. Other tasks and challenges lay ahead, and again, to the dismay of many, she accepted each and every one with a renewed vigor and undying commitment and determination.
Universal Declaration of Human Rights
Preamble
WHEREAS recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world.
WHEREAS disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people.
WHEREAS it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law.
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