by Norton, Doug
Everyone looked at Guarini.
Bart knew Rick was trying to bulldoze his advisors, as if that would change the facts. Why? I’m as political as he is, but I can see we can’t tolerate Kim much longer. Why doesn’t he see that?
Immediately he knew the answer: Because he’s the one who would have to sign Kim’s death warrant or push the nuclear button!
Knowing that he might be the only one able to move Martin, the chief of staff said, “Sir, we could do any of those things—except the coup—but they each lead to the same terrible outcome. For example, let’s say we bomb Pyongyang’s airport and Kim responds by lobbing nuclear missiles at Japan and one gets through the Aegis and the Patriots. Can we make the case that we took a reasonable risk, or do we look foolish and callous, ready to fight to the last Japanese city? And Tokyo wouldn’t be Kim’s only option. He could put one into Seoul, too—and hit Okinawa. A Taepodong-two might even have the range for Anderson Air Force Base on Guam.”
Cautiously but firmly, hoping to gentle the president around, Guarini said what he hoped his friend could accept as bedrock truth: “All options to break Kim’s control short of eliminating him or flattening the DPRK in one blow run a high risk that he will devastate South Korea and Japan and maybe hit us again.”
Eyes narrowed, voice stinging, Martin said, “Look, Bart—all of you! We started this meeting to figure out how to leverage our extraordinary success in Baltimore to move ahead in the UN and the Northeast Asia Group. Now you’re talking as if Baltimore had been blown up. It wasn’t. We won this round! I refuse to talk about doomsday scenarios! Now get busy and get me something better!”
Martin stood and said in a tight, quiet voice. “John, you were right—this group doesn’t have its arms around things yet!”
Anne Battista recalled the British foreign minister at the UN but said nothing, telling herself this wasn’t the time. The room’s silence was broken only by the sounds of Martin leaving.
Feeling like he had been punched in the stomach, Guarini looked around the table, glanced at the faces on the screens, and drew a shaky breath. “He’ll come around. It’s just that this is so terribly, terribly hard. He’s facing choices he never thought he’d face—that none of us thought we’d face after the Cold War. This is the conclusion of a slow-motion train wreck that began when we—the world—gave Kim time to make nuclear bombs and build missiles. We laughed at him; we made him a joke—the crazy uncle locked in the attic—instead of preventing him from becoming a deadly threat to millions. Now we have to deal with that—the president does—and there are nothing but awful choices and not much time.”
Vice President Griffith’s voice, as clear as if he were seated next to each of them, froze his distant colleagues: “Bart, is he up to it? Can he do it and do it in time, before we lose another city?”
If he’s bold enough to ask that question in this meeting, thought Guarini, he must think he’s got the votes for impeachment! His gut heaved.
“Yes, he can! Since you have doubts, Mr. Vice President, you should return to Washington immediately and speak with the president!”
Griffith’s voice was calm: “I agree, Bart.
“Look, you all probably think what I just said is the worst of all political crimes: disloyalty. But, I ask you—do you think the man who just ranted about the Baltimore debacle being a victory, then stormed out when others differed—do you think that man should be leading this country right now when it’s coming apart at the seams? As for me, I have my doubts!”
His face carefully composed and voice more sorrowful than angry, the VP continued: “I want Rick Martin to succeed. But the oath I took—and the ones you each took, too—were not to him. Our oaths are to uphold the Constitution, which right now means protecting Americans from attacks by Kim. If the government doesn’t do that—quickly and convincingly—well, then you see the face of the new America right now on CNN: hundreds of thousands of frightened people fleeing! The president told us time isn’t on our side, but in the end, all he did was put off decisions.
“I’ll fly back right away!”
Behind his closed door, Guarini yanked his tie down and unbuttoned his collar. Griffith’s smooth confidence scares me. He’s moved from secretly encouraging impeachment talk to openly questioning the president’s fitness to remain in office. Rick’s going to have to do one of the things he hates: go toe to toe. This is so Rick! The man can’t bring himself to recognize flaws in people on his team. I think—
It hit him like a sledgehammer: the army, the military. They’re already in position to control the country; we put them there with N-SEPA! The internal security troops report to Griffith. And what about the FBI? A big part of its field force is under Griffith’s control. Is that why he’s so bold?
Guarini nearly stopped breathing. Would they follow Griffith in a showdown, if he claimed it was the only way to protect the country and stop society from unraveling? Hairs bristling on his neck, he glanced at the door.
Chapter 43
“President Martin calling, sir. Your interpreter is on.”
Ming was watching a Xinhua News Agency feed showing jammed American highways. With such a crisis, why would Martin take the time to call me? Could Kim be his reason?
Surely Kim wouldn’t have . . . A few minutes ago, I considered calling Kim. He never, ever takes phone calls. He will call back but is never available when called. And, at this point, Kim could lie to me with ease—better to see if the weapon is identified.
But what if the Americans have already identified the bomb’s “parent,” as they called it? What if it is Kim?
Ming picked up, feeling sweat in his palm as he grasped the handset. “Good evening, President Martin. I’m watching the flight from America’s cities. You have a hard task to get matters back under control!”
Stifling irritation and hoping his antacid tablet would kick in, Martin said, “Good morning, President Ming. Yes, you’re right, but I believe that once our people realize today’s events show the strength of our protective measures, they will return. As you may know, my family and I will be spending the next week in our major cities, demonstrating that they are safe.
“But I’m calling about something else. The bomb we seized will be delivered to our military base at Kwajalein, in the Marshal Islands. Scientists and engineers will examine it carefully and will determine its origin. I’m calling to invite you to send a personal representative. I will also invite the IAEA”
He didn’t mention Kim! Ming exhaled but said nothing.
Martin went on. “As you can imagine, consequences will flow from the identification. I want no question to arise about the accuracy of this analysis. I also want everyone to know that China and the United States operate on a basis of mutual trust and mutual respect. We are not and never will be adversaries when it comes to combating nuclear terrorism. Rather, we are the two nations who should lead in putting an end to it through our coordinated diplomacy. As the two most influential nations in the world, we have a special obligation to do this.”
As Martin intended, his final sentence brought a slight smile to Ming’s face. Martin is coming the rest of the way to us! He accepts China as America’s equal! So, let’s see whether he will say it publicly.
“Mr. President, that is both bold and wise of you. China accepts your offer. Perhaps we should issue a joint statement along the lines of your words.”
That’s why I said them, thought Martin. I have to have your support.
“Certainly, President Ming. I’ll instruct our ambassador to work with your government on that. And, Mr. President, there is another reason we will welcome your representative’s presence. It’s possible the warhead is a design we know was sold by that bastard A. Q. Khan. That design is said to be Chinese; of course, only Khan could tell us where and how he got it. As you know, we are questioning him. If the design is Chinese, Kim and others might attempt to use that to divide us. I want to tell you now that I am certain China did not provide a warhead d
esign to Kim Jong-il. If the design proves to be Chinese, I am sure it was stolen.”
Ming’s smile returned. This is getting better and better! Martin has just eliminated one of China’s vulnerabilities in this affair. But why? What does he need from me?
“Mr. President—Rick—Americans are a resilient people and I am sure that only a relative few are now in panicky flight. Others are reacting differently, are they not?”
“Ming, public opinion is overwhelming that we must eliminate Kim’s power to attack us. There are still those who favor diplomacy, but that number is dwindling, and I expect what happened today will drown them out, even though I am one of them. I’m sure you have an understanding of our impeachment process. I believe opinion will soon reach the point that, unless I take military action, I will be replaced by someone who has no doubts about using our military, Vice President Griffith.”
Pausing, Rick thought: OK, now you know both the carrot and the stick. Let’s see if you’re willing to do what I need. His chest tightened.
Ming said nothing. Earnestly, Martin resumed: “I believe that China and America, working together, can prevent war in Northeast Asia, but we don’t have much time. So I ask you: if America determines, with the concurrence of China and the IAEA, that this bomb is also Kim’s, will you use your powers in concert with ours to force him into exile and replace him with someone who will dismantle the DPRK’s nuclear capacities?”
Ming thought, so, Rick Martin, now I know what you ask and what you offer. I don’t want Griffith, but I cannot control Kim. I don’t have the means to force him from power, other than having him killed or taking over the DPRK, and I am not willing to do either, at least not now. No matter—I’ll have the joint statement and you’ll have to settle for what I give you. As for Griffith? Huang Bo said impeachment is a deliberate, public process. I’ll have time to adjust.
He said, “Rick, as Korea’s elder cousin, China will urge that accommodations be made. But we are a family and family members do not attack each other. Between 1950 and 1953, a few years before you were born, China sacrificed over eight hundred thousand soldiers to superior American firepower in order save the DPRK. One of them was my own father. The cigarette case I use is all of him that returned to us. Perhaps I can persuade Kim to do what you suggest without loss of face. Face is important to Kim and to all of us in what you call Northeast Asia. Think on that, I urge you.”
Martin’s mind said what his lips did not: You should think, too, Ming! Think what it would mean for China if the U.S. went to war with your younger cousin. Think about the face in that!
Instead, he said: “Thank you for that, Ming. I pray your efforts with Kim will be successful, because the effects of war between America and China’s younger cousin—and neighbor—are unpredictable. I think we truly are balanced now between a bright future for our two countries and a disaster for both of us. Let us choose wisely, despite Kim’s efforts to divide and confuse us.”
Scowling, Ming said, “We have an understanding that will prevent difficulties. We will issue the joint statement immediately and send our representative to Kwajalein. I will be my most persuasive with Kim if our joint inspection of the bomb proves it to be his.”
“This has been an excellent discussion, and we have reached important agreements. Good day, Ming.”
“Good evening, Rick.”
Martin looked anxiously at Battista, Dorn, and Guarini. “Any reactions?”
“Well, he agreed to the deal we wanted, Mr. President,” said Battista.
“That’s not quite what I heard,” said Dorn. “He agreed to give it a try, then reminded you what a big stake China has in the DPRK. I think he was signaling that he’d ask but wouldn’t hold a gun to Kim’s head.”
“It’s important that he agreed to send a representative to Kwajalein!” said Battista. “I think we have some leverage if it turns out to be a Chinese bomb design.”
“That was certainly better than if he’d refused our offer,” said Guarini. “Now, Anne and John, if you’ll excuse us, it’s time for the president’s meeting with the vice president.”
Rick felt his stomach, which had just subsided, flame again.
Chapter 44
They had decided on a show of power, so the president was seated behind his desk, with Guarini to his right and Attorney General McDonnell to his left, when Dottie Branson ushered in the vice president.
Griffith gestured at the three, saying, “Looks like the firing squad for me! Do I get a last cigarette and a blindfold?”
The jab stung Martin. So here I am, the guy who’s never needed more than wits and words to face anyone, now presenting myself in the panoply of commander-in-chief. But, dammit, I am commander-in-chief and this man is challenging me head-on!
Rick tried to lighten it up: “Sorry, smoking isn’t permitted in federal buildings. How about a Nicorette?”
“May I sit?” said Griffith, his disregard for Martin’s attempt at humor shouting his message: ‘Fuck you.’
“Of course, Bruce,” said the president, ignoring it. “We’re here for a discussion, not a sentencing.
“Bart, you called this meeting. Get us started, please.”
The chief of staff felt sweat bead at his hairline, not only from the situation, but from the fear he didn’t dare reveal. He spoke as he’d rehearsed: “Sir, after you left the NSC meeting yesterday, the vice president questioned your fitness to serve as president, indicated he had doubts you were up to the task. To be fair, he did so reluctantly and in the context of what he believes is mortal danger to our country. But he did it nonetheless, in front of the entire group. In view of that, I asked him to return to Washington immediately and meet with you.”
Griffith waved a big, blunt-fingered hand.
“Bart, there’s no need recounting what I’m sure the three of you have reviewed on video several times! Look, I know I was way out of line as vice president yesterday. Because you left suddenly, Mr. President, I had no opportunity to express those views to you. But, had you stayed, I would have. I wasn’t speaking because you had left; I was speaking because America is fast running out of time to take measures that may, may, preserve it in some semblance of what it was when this administration took office.”
Don’t let him bait you, said the same voice that had spoken during his encounter with Kim.
The VP charged on: “We’ve got to get Kim’s hand off the nuclear trigger. Every minute he remains in control of the DPRK is a minute in which hundreds of thousands more Americans could die!”
Rick’s mind acknowledged that Griffith had just said what many Americans believed, something he couldn’t dismiss out of hand. But his answer boiled up from someplace else, someplace he rarely visited.
“Bruce, surely you don’t believe there’s a button on Kim’s desk connected to bombs in the U.S.! Save the sensationalism for your next press conference!”
Griffith hurled his response like a rock: “Mr. President, surely you don’t believe any longer we have the time or leverage to negotiate our safety with Kim!”
The two glared at each other. The attorney general took notes, scribbling furiously. Guarini started to speak, but Martin beat him to it.
“Look, Bruce,” he said in a calmer voice, “I don’t believe we can negotiate Kim into giving up his nukes. He has to go and he will go. I just had an important conversation with Ming Liu. He agreed to pressure Kim into stepping down, going into exile, and working with us to replace him with someone who’ll give up the country’s nukes.”
I wonder what you gave away to get that? thought the VP.
But he said only, “I’m glad to hear that, sir. When do you expect Kim to leave?”
“Soon. Within a couple of weeks.”
Yeah, right, thought Griffith, who leaned forward in his chair, elbows on knees, fists clenched, eyes mocking. “How many things has Kim promised to do and then not done, in the last twenty years? What’s your backup? What will you do if Kim is still running the country fif
teen days from now?”
This time Rick contained his anger and thought of the long conversation he and Ella had had the night before: Then, I’ll have to protect our tribe. I might as well tell you, because I won’t have any choice if it happens.
“I’m not setting a deadline of exactly fifteen days. But if we can’t pressure him into stepping down, I’ll use force to remove him.”
Griffith looked surprised, seemed to relax a bit. But inside, he was on high alert. I don’t believe him, but I’m not going to say that here, with the tapes running.
“Well, I worry about letting him stay even for two weeks, but I guess we’re on the same page. I’m very glad to hear that, sir.”
Then Martin said, “And now I’ll be glad to hear your pledge to stop bad-mouthing your president!”
The VP’s eyes bulged in his suddenly red face. “If what you mean by bad-mouthing is disagreement, I won’t give that pledge!”
The president stood up behind the big desk crowded with symbols of his power, placed his hands on either side of the blotter, leaned forward with blazing eyes. “Dammit, Bruce, you know what I mean!”
Griffith visibly considered his reply, then rose and said, “I will not question your ability to do the job unless you fail to take adequate action, should Kim remain in power past the deadline you just gave.”
“Deadline is your word, Bruce, not mine! I haven’t set a deadline, but I think two weeks will tell whether Ming can talk him out.”
They stood glaring at each other as McDonnell continued to scribble.
Guarini gazed in horror at the spectacle of a vice president going toe to toe with his president, arguing as an equal. Has this ever happened before? he wondered. Probably between Nixon and Ford, maybe between the Clintons and Gore, and in each case impeachment was on the wind. These two are very nearly out of control. He swallowed hard, eyes roaming the room vacantly. I’ve got to end this! But how?