Approximately twenty miles south of San Antonio, the first contact occurred between the two forces. From General Arredondo’s point of view, his advance party had done its job. That is, they had tricked the Tejano Army into thinking that the Spanish Army marching from Laredo was a small force. Realizing they had fooled the rebels, the royalists retreated.
On the other side, General Toledo took the bait and saw a quick victory. Throwing caution to the wind, he ordered a full pursuit and attack of the advancing Spanish Army. Similar to a crouching tiger, General Arredondo’s scouting party entered a grove of oak trees hoping the entire Tejano Army would follow. Their judgment was correct.
The Tejano Army began to deteriorate, with some of the rebels firing their weapons more in pre-celebration, rather than shooting at a target. Their expectation went terribly wrong from then on. No sooner had the rebels entered the Encinal de Medina (oak tree grove) that their prey became the hunter. Unexpectedly, General Arredondo’s Army surrounded the Tejanos, leaving no escape. Firing blindly at anything that moved, the rebels were soon overcome by the sheer power of the superior Spanish Army sharpshooters.
The Battle of Medina, the largest battle ever fought on Texas soil, was over in four hours. In excess of eight hundred rebels were killed during the encounter. About one hundred of the rebel force survived. Their only alternative was to ride back to San Antonio, pick up their families, and head to Louisiana, to join their deposed exiled leader, José Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara.
As a warning to future revolutionaries, the bodies of the Tejanos were left on the battlefield for over nine years. Their remains remained unburied until 1821, when as a result of Mexico’s independence from Spain, their bones were gathered and buried in a mass grave with full military honors.
Indeed, it was the native-born Tejanos who initially paid the ultimate price, not only in paying the ultimate price, but in the continued suffering and deprivation of their families in the name of Texas liberty. This is why it may be said with certainty that General Sam Houston took over a work in progress; merely continuing a movement for Texas independence started by Father Hidalgo on September 16, 1810.
Chapter 21
1821-1824 - ¡Viva Mexico!
Life in Las Villas del Norte had drastically changed from 1810 to 1821. The families of rebel soldiers and supporters of the equality ideals Father Miguel Hidalgo suffered the most. Rayo and others who had left in July 1811 and survived through the temporary, tumultuous victory of 1813 were still fugitives. As such, they lived off the land and hid during the day, rarely venturing out to return to their homes.
Others had joined larger guerilla groups scattered throughout the region. Most believed that their troubles were only a short-term setback and so they continued the struggle for independence from unjust Spanish laws in New Spain.
Yet, for the creoles, it had not gone as planned. The complaints of the peninsulares had reached the ears of powerful individuals in Spain. They in turn used their influence in the Council of the Indies to restore the aristocracy’s power. Citizens suspected of being rebel sympathizers, mostly creoles, were harshly punished.
The Real Consejo Supremo de Indias, based in Seville, was a cumbersome administrative center that ruled America. It exercised uppermost authority over New Spain undertakings. Its members, already slanted toward maintaining close mainland supervision, stifling liberty in Spanish colonial America.
Worse, the return of Ferdinand VII to the Spanish throne was a bad omen for creoles. He was overthrown by Napoleon. Bitterness had quickly turned into insecurity. Thus, his return to the Spanish throne was marked by his unrelenting obsession to consolidate power.
In truth, it was the liberal push in Spain that had made his return a reality, but he was quick to forget those who had reinstalled him as king. Rather than loosening his control over the Spanish people and his American empire, Ferdinand’s grasp literally caused heads to roll. He arrested liberals and stopped the distribution of liberal newspapers, especially those in faraway America.
It was thus that the Spanish King enacted laws to consolidate and centralize power in Spain, limiting creole influence in America. To the creoles, that meant that the same unjust system they had rebelled against in 1810 was alive, well, and back with a vengeance.
Still, the brave Don Bernardo never gave up his dream to gain independence for his beloved country. He also participated in efforts to gain freedom for others. The old soldier knew no political bounds when championing freedom for all.
In 1815, accompanied by his battle-seasoned Tejanos living in exile with him in Louisiana, Don Bernardo fought bravely, assisting General Andrew Jackson in the U.S. victory against the British in the Battle of New Orleans, the last battle of the War of 1812. He hoped that one day, he would be back in his own country to liberate it as Father Miguel Hidalgo had dreamed of doing in 1810.
The day that Rayo believed would never materialize came on August 24, 1821. On that day, Viceroy Juan O’Donojú and General Agustín de Iturbide signed the Treaty of Córdoba ending the Mexican War of Independence.
Juan O’Donojú y O’Ryan (1762–1821) served as the Spanish Crown’s last Jefe Político Superior (Viceroy) of New Spain (Mexico). As the king’s agent, he has the distinction of having granted Mexico its independence in 1821. Accepting for the revolutionaries was General Agustín de Iturbide.
What little is taught in U.S. and Texas history books about Mexico’s independence implies that in a spontaneous outburst, the Mexican people exploded against Spanish tyranny. In truth, the story is much more extensive than that. Spanish passion in Europe against absolute monarchs directly led to Mexico’s own independence in America. Yet, Father Miguel Hidalgo’s “Grito” story is typically presented as detached from those outside influences.
Rather than occurring in a vacuum, the quest for autonomy equally originates in Spain. It’s there where liberalism fervor had produced results, such as the establishment of the legislative Cádiz cortes generales (Chamber of Deputies).
That’s why, in addition to Mexico’s homegrown heroes Hidalgo, Morelos, Dominguez, Aldama, Guerrero, Iturbide, et al, the name of an unlikely independence ally, Viceroy O’Donojú can be added to the list. Truly, O’Donojú exemplifies the many Spanish citizens who first formed the freedom path, questioning the divine rights of kings.
Also, the 1807-1814 Peninsular War and the Spanish Constitution of 1812 were big factors. They’re partially the reason why September is a month of independence, not only in Mexico, but in other American countries, as well.
Most of what we learn in the classroom about viceroys is limited and is usually enveloped in negative terms. Generally, it’s suggested that such officials represent Spain’s monarchial power. Thus, one gets the clear impression that occupiers of the position were ruthless, ambitious bureaucrats, unquestionably obedient to the decadent whims of the Spanish king. However, in Viceroy O’Donojú, the opposite is true.
Juan O’Donojú was born in Seville, Spain, of Irish-descent parents (Irish Name: O’Donoghue). He was a liberal who dedicated his life to balancing service to the king on one hand, and in the other, his belief in liberty. His principles were similar to those of another New Spain Viceroy, General Bernardo Gálvez. O’Donojú counted Spanish General Rafael del Riego as a close friend. (General Riego is one of the initial liberalism movement leaders in the early 1800s.)
As General Gálvez, Juan joined the military at an early age. His superiors first noticed him during the Peninsular War. That military engagement was initiated by the Spanish people against Napoleon Bonaparte’s decision to add Spain to the French Empire. Specifically, the war for national identity in Spain was the result of Napoleon installing his brother Joseph to the Spanish throne, replacing Fernando VII de Borbón, the legitimate monarch.
Being bilingual, O’Donojú was appointed as interpreter between the strong-willed Spanish forces commander, General Gregorio Garcia de
la Cuesta, and Irish-born General Arthur Wellesley, First Duke of Wellington, one of Britain’s foremost military geniuses. (For the record, Spain and England allied themselves (and Portugal) against France, ensuring victory in 1814.)
A fortunate result of the Peninsular Wars was the key role of the Cádiz cortes generales. Through this chamber, civilian leaders established a constitutional government body with two aims. First, unite the citizens against French occupation; and second, set in motion a people’s legislature to run national affairs, replacing the old absolute power, the Spanish kingdom.
After the Peninsular Wars, O’Donojú became minister of war and later, aide de camp to Rey Fernando VII. Then, the cortes generales appointed Lt. General O’Donojú as New Spain Viceroy. As soon as he arrived in Veracruz, he realized that the same passion for freedom in Spain had engulfed almost the entire span of New Spain. True to his ideals, he began a dialogue with the revolutionaries.
General O’Donojú proved to be a focused overseer. He had just arrived in Veracruz in July 1821 and by August, he arranged to meet with rebel General Agustín de Iturbide. The result was the Treaty of Córdoba, establishing the First Mexican Empire, a constitutional monarchy. He then skillfully managed an orderly Spanish army withdrawal.
Together, O’Donojú and Iturbide achieved the transfer of power, not as adversaries, but as co-creators of peace for Mexico. Thus, they avoided a bloody military confrontation. It’s as if U.S. General Washington and British General Cornwallis had avoided fighting the Battle of Yorktown by talking first and then arranging a peaceful U.S. independence.
Shortly afterwards, Don Bernardo was asked to come back to his homeland. Because of his many commitments in Louisiana, it took three years for him to return. Upon arriving in 1824, he was rewarded by being named as the governor of the new state of Tamaulipas (Nuevo Santander).
In reality, he was the “first” governor of two states – Texas and Tamaulipas; a rare feat. He also received several military posts, including General of Tamaulipas and Commandant General of the Eastern Interior States (Texas, Coahuila, Tamaulipas, and Nuevo Leon.)
Things were starting off in a positive direction. However, the reality of independence bode ominous change for all concerned.
Chapter 22
1829 – Mexico abolishes slavery
“This is the most liberal and munificent government on earth to emigrants.” (Stephen F. Austin).
(Referring to Texas and Mexico under President Vicente Guerrero)
oOo
Rayo heard the news and still couldn’t believe what he read in the latest communiqué from Mexico City. Vicente Guerrero, a man he had most admired since the early days of the revolution was now President of Mexico.
Vicente Guerrero was a product of a mixed marriage. His father, a mestizo of means married a black woman. In appearance, Vicente proudly displayed both lineages. He was a tough fighter, who would not walk away from a physical fight or a debate. Although not formally educated, he was a practical man of high intellect.
What he learned was good, but the part of the news release he liked most was truly spectacular. Rayo’s reaction said it all. “He did it! He kept his promise”.
In Rayo’s mind, the revolution had accomplished one major goal, thanks to the dedicated vision of one person, Vicente Guerrero. Finally, the revolution meant something to the common citizen.
Guerrero had been one of Rayo’s earliest heroes since the start of the revolution. Rayo had attended several forums in those days that included talks on military organization, training, and armaments. It was then that he had been greatly influenced and especially impressed by Guerrero’s courage. Here was a man who backed his boldness with a strong knowledge of weapons, bomb making, and guerilla warfare.
Certainly, later reports during several battles following Padre Hidalgo’s initial proclamation mentioned Guerrero’s unquestioned bravery. A man of stout demeanor, fearless, he rose quickly through the ranks. Very soon, Guerrero became a close advisor to José Maria Morelos, leader of the revolution.
José Maria Morelos was a Catholic priest, just as Miguel Hidalgo. Thus, the leader position of the revolt had gone to another religious public figure, for it was them who saw the dismal state of most mestizo and Indio population in Mexico. Sadly, Morelos suffered a similar ending as Hidalgo.
After his defeat by the Spanish Army at a battle in the state of Puebla, Morelos was captured. Luckily, Guerrero and other revolt leaders had narrowly escaped capture. What followed next is an interesting chain of events little known by those not familiar with intimate details of the Mexican revolutionary war.
As Father Miguel Hidalgo, the proceedings against Morelos were not unlike the division of power between Jewish officials and the Roman prefect of Judea in 36 AD. That is, Morelos was first tried by the Roman Catholic Church. While Padre Hidalgo had been tried and executed in Chihuahua, far from the capital, Padre Morelos suffered his ordeal in public in Mexico City.
Therein, Morelos was humiliated by Inquisition officials, stripped of his church vestments, excommunicated, and finally, turned over to the Spanish authorities. It was under this second and civil jurisdiction that eventually led to the execution of Father José Maria Morelos for treason.
The deliberate public spectacle was meant to terrorize remaining revolutionaries. Though, it did little of the sort. It didn’t stop the insurgency. There were several leaders who could steer the rudder of the revolution. Incredibly, out of many well-qualified officers, the chief position fell on Vicente Guerrero. Aligning himself with Guadalupe Victoria and other leaders, he helped bring the independence movement to its close in 1821.
However, it wasn’t that simple. An incident during the initial consolidation of rebel forces had formed his ideals. He believed that everybody in the free Mexico of the future would be free to enjoy their God-given human rights.
Agreeing to combine his forces with those under General Agustín de Iturbide had a price. He would accompany Iturbide on their preordained quest to make Mexico independent, but stood firm on his own manifesto. In short, General Guerrero did not sign the agreement until he made Iturbide include a provision to free Mexican citizens of mulatto and black descent.
As President, Guerrero had kept his promise. His causes were numerous. He wished to open public schools for the poor. Also, he wanted to return lands to the people and to improve their economic status.
In reality, Vicente Guerrero was not afraid to fight in any campaign or arena. He was a true warrior. To the most vulnerable in Mexico (Native Americans, Mulattoes, and black slaves), he personifies the young rebels’ idealism; only taking up the fight to ensure that most precious goal -- liberty for all.
Indeed, it was that type of commitment and his own personal leadership of the guerilla warfare tactics throughout Mexico that kept the movement forward. Freedom was within his grasp. Just like the proverbial eagle atop the cactus, he wasn’t about to give up his grip of the snake. He aimed to shake it until all forms of inequality and economic servitude were dead. Rayo now saw the end of a long, hard path toward liberty in Mexico.
oOo
Sadly, the 1821 events were bittersweet for Rayo. His beloved Miranda died after a short illness blamed on a fever caused by influenza. She had just returned from a trip to Soto La Marina. Weak from the trip itself, her condition worsened. Although a doctor was at her bedside, the fever did not lessen. She died soon afterwards. Grief stricken, Rayo moved his children to Laredo.
While in Laredo, he was encouraged to run for the chamber of deputies representing a nearby congressional district with a vacant spot. After a short campaign, he was elected to the legislature. The nation appeared to be on its way to peace and prosperity. Yet, the path was rocky due to the expectations of two factions in the government – centralists and federalists.
Progress was slow due to a fight brewing among Mexicans themselves. Worse, no one saw it coming.
Neither did anyone foresee what competing goals would mean for the Mexican people. In truth, it would equal the worse that New Spain colonialism had produced.
Chapter 23
Centralists versus federalists
Ever since Mexico had been granted independence from Spain in 1821, there was an internal struggle between two factions – those wanting a centralized form of government and those favoring a federalist government. Tejanos supported the federalists. Specifically, when Sam Houston and Anglo-Norman immigrants from the U.S. crossed over the Sabine River, the separation of Texas from Mexico was not even an issue. Here’s why.
The political situation in 1835-36 Texas was clearly between those who supported a centralist government of President Santa Anna and those who supported a federalist system whose roots originated with Gutiérrez de Lara in 1813.
Most arriving immigrants from the U.S. joined the federalists, but there was one big problem. Mexico had abolished slavery in 1829 and the U.S. immigrants owned slaves. When told that they had to free their slaves, Anglos were upset at their host, the Mexican government.
Ironically, Mexico’s independence from Spain in 1821 did not achieve independence for the Mexican people. The old hard-fought battle between peninsulares and creoles took the stage once again. Worse, the bitter animosities of the past served as new embers, generating an inferno that lasted for many years. Sadly, the rivals in this brand of family feud were all Mexicans. To Rayo and his compatriots, this was not what they had so valiantly fought for.
Yet, there was little they could do, since there was nothing to stop the storm spawned by the ill winds of eleven years of war. Change was coming, but not all change created by the revolution was welcomed.
In short, two strong sides emerged after 1821 – centralists and federalists. While not a carbon copy of peninsulares, the centralists wanted Mexico City to be a powerful seat of government, just as the viceroy had served. In short, they wished to supplant themselves as the old colonial aristocracy, and their intent was obvious from the start.
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