by Bobby Akart
“But if we don’t, we’re inviting folks right through the heart of the ranch. They could turn east and be on top of the house in minutes.”
Major thought for a moment. He instantly wished he had more men. “We have to work with two-man teams, at least at night. During the day, we could post one man at each gate and assign rovers to patrol the perimeter but stay within a quick ride to each post.”
“That would work,” said Preacher. “A man each on the north gate and the south gate. We don’t need to cover the center because we’re closing off the country road. The boys assigned to the perimeter can be there to help in minutes. Plus, you and I will constantly monitor the radio.”
Major saddled up and Preacher did as well. As they continued west along the driveway, the men discussed the ranch security in more detail.
“The biggest threat is the unexpected,” started Major. “If the North Koreans wanna drop a nuke on Borden County, there’s not much we can do about that. Odds are they’d hit more important targets like DC, New York, Chicago, and LA.”
“And we’re gonna stay on top of the radios, too. Information is very valuable under these circumstances.”
“True. But make no mistake, Preach, Texas got lucky. I mean, the separate grid and all of that was brilliant in hindsight. But from what I know of these EMPs, depending on where they were detonated and at what height, electronics and components in Texas certainly could’ve been fried. Think about it, if they’d dropped an EMP over Missouri, the heart of the country, we’d be out of luck.”
“Well, frankly, if the state lost power, we’d be okay here at the ranch anyway, don’t you think?” asked Preacher.
“Absolutely,” Major replied with a slight smile. “When we decided to lead a preparedness lifestyle, we planned for a worst-case scenario—a downed power grid, whether by an EMP nuke or a solar storm. The only thing more devastating would be an all-out nuclear war.”
“Would they strike Texas?” asked Preacher. “Like you said, they have better targets than us.”
“It’s hard to understand what that madman might be thinking,” replied Major. “The nuclear silos at Valhalla outside Abilene have been decommissioned for years, but North Korea may not know that.”
“That’s too close for comfort,” quipped Preacher.
“Dang straight. If North Korea is really on top of their game, they’d hit us at the Pantex Plant in Amarillo. It depends on how many nukes Kim Jong-un has. After he takes out our major cities and missile silos, he might go after the primary nuclear weapons assembly facility in the country—Pantex.”
“Great,” muttered Preacher as they continued to ride west.
“I might as well remind you about Walker AFB in Roswell,” continued Major. “There are a dozen Atlas missile silos there. The heart of New Mexico might be a secondary target for North Korea.”
“We’re right in the middle of all three places,” said Preacher as he pointed toward one of the ranch hands who was approaching them.
They arrived at the western end of the ranch and spoke briefly with the young man who was patrolling this side of the ranch. He’d just rode the fence toward the north and he was heading back southward. Preacher gave him instructions to work his way toward the house and meet them there shortly. They’d be constructing a fence and barricade at the south and north entrances to the farm in about an hour.
“I don’t know what things are like in the big cities, but I can only imagine,” continued Major. “Logic tells me that people will begin to flee the lack of resources and violence in the large population areas and head into the countryside seeking safety, shelter, and food.”
“Major, Texas will be like a giant magnet drawing them here in droves. We have power; they don’t. I can’t see it any other way.”
Major nodded his agreement. “I know, and we have to get ready. There will come a time when we may have to deal with large hostile groups. The best thing we can do is deter them from coming after our ranch. If we give them an appearance that we’re prepared to fight, they’ll move on to easier targets. And there will be easier targets, believe me.”
They guided the horses down a dry creek bed past one of the homes on the ranch lived in by a single young man named Jose. The simple rectangular structure with a slightly rusted tin roof stood alone among some trees and tall grasses. As they approached the Colorado River, which created their northern boundary, the sparse grasses and rocky soil gave way to trees and plant life.
Major continued. “Natural boundaries, like the river, help us deny them access to our land. If they have operating vehicles, they’ll have to go around, and all of our gates will be manned. If they’re on horseback, they better be careful crossing the river. It’s deeper than they might realize, and the silt bottom is like quicksand.”
“Hopefully, with our constant patrols, we’ll see them comin’,” added Preacher.
“Detection is just as important as our deterrent and denial efforts. Even with knowing our land and having armed men at the ready, those extra seconds and minutes will give us the upper hand.”
“Major, we’ve discussed this many times when you and I have been riding the ranch. I believe we’re as ready as we’re gonna be. Those people who wanna enter Armstrong Ranch and take what we have are gonna be in for an unexpected surprise. By the same token, we have to think like they do as well. What’s our biggest weakness?”
“To put it bluntly, Armstrong Ranch is too big to defend. Our world needs to get a lot smaller.”
Chapter 27
November 27
Raven Rock Mountain Complex
Liberty Township, Pennsylvania
President Harman met with Chief of Staff Acton, Secretary of State Tompkins, and DHS Secretary Pickering in the president’s private quarters. It was a meeting intended to be away from the prying ears and eyes of the hundreds of military personnel performing their duties within Raven Rock. Other members of her cabinet, Secretary Gregg in particular, would question why they were excluded from the meeting. Especially since the meeting included the State Department, which dealt with international affairs, and Homeland Security, which focused on domestic matters—both of which necessarily involved a discussion of national defense. Not unexpectedly, internal politics within an administration didn’t disappear with the advent of the apocalypse.
“I trust the three of you more than anyone else in our government,” started President Harman. “Let me say first that I’m perfectly capable of handling our domestic crisis and waging a war in Southeast Asia at the same time. That said, under these extraordinary circumstances, I would be remiss to focus the entirety of this administration’s efforts on retaliatory efforts against Kim Jong-un while the American people need my undivided attention.”
“How can we help, Madam President?” asked Tompkins.
“Jane, we’ve heard Monty Gregg make the case for war, ad nauseum,” replied the president. “Actually, let me clarify. He seems to be interested in annihilating the North Korean regime via a nuclear first strike.”
“Madam President, let me start with a blunt assessment of North Korea and where they are headed as a nation,” said Tompkins. “The EMP attack upon us does not change their standing among world leaders nor does it suddenly escalate the DPRK from an impoverished nation to an economically emerging one. Kim Jong-un presides over a dying society, nothing more than a prison camp of twenty-eight million miserable, starving souls masquerading as a country. In economic terms, North Korea lags somewhere behind Ethiopia while their sister country, South Korea, ranks thirty-first in the world, well ahead of Russia. North Korea ranks nowhere.”
“Then what is the end game for Kim?” asked the president.
“He has to control his people through fear,” replied Tompkins. “Fear of his iron fist and fear of an imminent American attack. Just like Hussein, Hitler, or Stalin, a dictator like Kim maintains power by spreading fear among the people and placing themselves as the nation’s only salvation. By manufacturing an external threat like
the Jews to Hitler’s Germany, or the entire West to North Korea, he keeps the society on edge and paranoid as well.”
“Jane, please, honest opinion. Do you believe Kim’s statements from yesterday? Do you think he has designs to attack our allies, or us, with nuclear weapons or by conventional means?”
“No, I do not. While he has the capability, my belief is it would have happened already. One could argue that, at least in his mind and apparently in the mind of several world leaders, he was justified in taking the action against us and is showing the world his restraint by not taking it further. If we attack him, we could be portrayed as being the bad guys.”
The president contemplated Tompkins’s statement. “You would stand down?”
“Yes, I would. Perhaps we could build up our forces in the region for added protection in the event he did start a ground war against the South, but I think our position should remain the same as it was prior to the EMP attack—isolation, sanctions, diplomacy, and surround him with our military strength.”
President Harman turned her attention to DHS Secretary Pickering. “Carla, in all healthy organizations, dissent happens face-to-face. We gave Secretary Gregg his opportunity this morning, and now I’m looking to my trusted advisors to make their case. I’m leaning in the direction of Jane’s way of thinking. When I took office, I intended to follow President Billings’s lead by focusing on the health, welfare, and advancement of the American people. I wasn’t interested in fighting wars abroad. First, give me your opinion on whether we should retaliate.”
“Madam President, I look at this situation, oddly enough, like a domestic violence case involving a shooting. Our first goal is to treat the patient and prevent her from dying. Then we focus on arresting and prosecuting the perp. If North Korea escalates, we hit them with all we’ve got. Otherwise, we can deal with the situation later when we’re back on our feet. For now, we need to focus our efforts on saving American lives and restoring order in the streets.”
The president referred to her notes. “I have reports compiled by Charles that violence exploded last night within all major cities and most population centers over one hundred thousand residents. Is our society collapsing faster than you envisioned?”
“This is day three, and people are becoming increasingly desperate,” replied Pickering. “Grocery shelves are bare. Fresh water is nonexistent because there isn’t power to operate water treatment facilities. Garbage is piling up in the streets. The instances of gun violence are astonishing.”
“What about law enforcement? Is their presence being ignored?” asked the president.
“Madam President, I’m being told that many officers are not appearing for duty. Some blame it on lack of adequate communications between the officers and their local governments. Others surmise that the police are staying home to protect their families in light of the rising levels of violence.”
“I suppose I can’t blame them for that,” said the president. “Let me ask you this, I despise the concept of martial law and the violation of civil liberties it necessarily entails. However, it must be declared. I’ve been working with the attorney general on a draft declaration, which will be ready for review shortly. Do you think we’ve reached that point?”
“I do, Madam President. We have to restore order before we can safely deploy relief efforts into the cities. We can’t put our relief workers and FEMA teams into danger. It’s not fair to them or their families.”
“Carla, if we declare martial law, it will need to be enforced by the military. The attorney general is working on the constitutional issues of such enforcement. Let us consider the practical aspects. If we can’t get law enforcement officers to show up for their shifts, what incentive can we provide our military to risk their lives in these domestic war zones?”
“Two words—food and shelter,” replied Pickering. “We can offer our military personnel and their families base housing. We will marshal our assets to feed them first, and use that promise of security as an inducement to work with FEMA to deliver relief supplies as well as maintain order in the streets.”
“Might I add, Madam President,” interjected Tompkins, “if you elect to increase our troop levels in the Southeast Asia theater, as a show of force, that will increase room within military bases to effectuate Carla’s proposal. I think it’s viable.”
“Jane, how do you feel about martial law?” asked the president.
“Same as you. I don’t like it, but it’s absolutely necessary under the circumstances.”
The president propped her elbows on the round kitchen table within her sleeping quarters and stared at the blank wall in front of her. There were no good options, only well-thought-out solutions.
“Charles, I need you to draft a memo to the cabinet and the Joint Chiefs of Staff for immediate dissemination. Let’s keep it simple because I don’t need to get into a lengthy explanation as to how I arrived at my decision. When we meet for tomorrow’s daily briefing and subsequent cabinet meeting, we will have a new primary focus.”
“Yes, Madam President,” said Acton. “I’ll keep it short and sweet. Bullet-point style.”
President Harman continued. “Number one, we will not retaliate militarily against North Korea at this time. We will bolster our defenses with an increased military presence in the region.
“Number two, I will issue a declaration of martial law as early as tomorrow afternoon. This declaration will set forth specifics including direct military control of normal civilian functions of government with a focus on restoring law and order.
“Number three, I will expect all members of the cabinet to prepare a proposal to utilize the good fortunes bestowed on the state of Texas for the greater good of the citizens of the afflicted areas of the United States. I want all federal agencies to work in concert to develop a plan to use Texas resources for distribution to severely impacted regions of the country. Also, I want to establish a refugee program to transport displaced citizens to Texas. It’s a big state. They’ve got plenty of room to help others.”
Chapter 28
November 27
Raven Rock Mountain Complex
Liberty Township, Pennsylvania
Secretary Gregg was a man without words. He’d read the president’s short memorandum and walked around the small living area in which he and his wife resided within Raven Rock. Using his closed-communications telephone system, he called for his aide-de-camp, Jackson Waller, to join him. His next call was to Colonel Baker, requesting that he shut off the call logs for his phone. Secretary Gregg had weighed his options and was ready to reach out to Governor Burnett. First, he had to lay the groundwork with Waller and then his wife.
“I asked Jackson to join us because I have an important decision to make,” started Secretary Gregg. “The president has reached a determination wholly contrary to my recommendations, the person who’s charged with the responsibility of protecting our nation. I firmly believe that she is exhibiting weakness by not retaliating, and worse, she’s leaving us open for further attacks, both nuclear and conventional, by not taking the battle to Kim on North Korean soil. I will not allow my career to be tarnished by her reckless inaction. I believe it is time to resign.”
“Monty, the timing is awful,” plead his wife. “We are still in this bunker for a reason. We could be hit with nuclear bombs at any time.”
“Dear, I understand your trepidation. There are other bunkers and locations in the country that are just as safe as this one. My decision is bigger than our immediate safety, which I will always provide for. It has to do with my principles. I don’t like the direction this country is headed. It’s a sinking ship after decades of failed leadership. It’s time to consider other options.”
“Monty, I’ve stood by you as your career took us all over the world,” said his wife. “I will continue to stand by you, but please, don’t be cryptic. If you have plans for our future, tell me.”
“Jackson has kept me informed on activities back home in Texas.
The three of us have been friends and supporters of Governor Burnett for years. As you know, she is an advocate of the Texas secessionist movement. I don’t know if she’ll agree with my opinion, but I believe the time is ripe for Texas to be restored to the independence it enjoyed from 1836 to 1846.”
Secretary Gregg’s wife interrupted him. “Monty, that was a long time ago. Things have changed.”
“But the Texas mindset has not. In 1846, Texas joined the United States only to secede again in 1861 with ten other states. The secessionist movement has remained a part of the political discourse in Austin for over one hundred fifty years. It’s been ramped up in the last decade, and I believe they have the perfect opportunity to break away now.”
“I wouldn’t mind returning to Texas,” said Mrs. Gregg. “What about you, Jackson?”
“My heart never left the hill country, ma’am.”
“Billy and his wife feel the same way,” added Mrs. Gregg. “Would they be included in this?”
“Yes,” replied Secretary Gregg. “If you both agree, I plan on setting the wheels in motion with a phone call to Governor Burnett shortly.”
Waller and Secretary Gregg’s wife looked at one another and shrugged. The three of them had become close over the years, as Waller continued to be a trusted confidant of Secretary Gregg’s. Following the death of Waller’s wife, Mrs. Gregg was there to support him during those difficult times.
“I’m in,” announced Mrs. Gregg.
“Me too,” said Waller. “Although, I have a suggestion. Don’t resign just yet. I have some thoughts on the matter as it relates to the president’s reaction to the secession. We might want to speak to the commanders of Bliss and Hood beforehand. In other words, ask them to stand down.”
Secretary Gregg sat a little taller in his chair and puffed out his chest.
“I’m gonna do more than ask them to stand down. I’m gonna ask them to stand with us!”