In the second week of January, Gandhi went to meet Mountbatten to understand the situation in Delhi. As Gandhi was leaving, Mountbatten mentioned the decision of the Cabinet to withhold the balance payment, adding how it was legally not defensible and morally a corrupt act. Gandhi criticised the decision, but left without making any commitment.
That evening, at the prayer meeting, Gandhi announced his decision to go on a fast unto death to bring about peace between Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs. By now the Indian Cabinet had realised the futility of their decision to withhold the balance payment to Pakistan. Mountbatten had been working feverishly to influence the senior members of the Cabinet to reverse the decision. With the realisation that their decision was wrong, they were now faced with a dilemma: if they went back on their earlier stand they would be exposed to public wrath. Patel said, 'The Muslims are angry with us, we cannot afford to anger the Hindus too.' The Congress was afraid it would lose popular support, and as a consequence, power.
Perhaps the Cabinet suspected that if they reversed their decision after Gandhi had embarked on a fast, it would appear as if they had done so under pressure. Whatever their thoughts, when the Cabinet announced their decision to pay the balance amount, it was assumed that Pakistan was given the money due to Gandhi's interference and under the pressure of the fast—something that is believed till date. In fact, the Cabinet's decision was made on the first day of the fast, and the fast continued for another four days after it was made public.
This anger against Gandhi was fanned by the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha who campaigned amongst aggrieved refugees, saying that Gandhi was responsible for their miseries. Many in the Congress also secretly harboured the same kind of feelings. On several occasions, Gandhi had criticised communal comments publicly made by prominent Congress leaders. Pyarelal writes in Mahatma: The Last Phase, Vol. 10 Part II: 'Gandhiji viewed with growing uneasiness and alarm the prospect of counter-communalism that was being bred in the Indian Union by continued ill-treatment of the minorities on the other side. Already some ugly symptoms had begun to appear. The President of a Provincial Congress Committee was reported to have said in public speech that if any harm befell the Hindus in Pakistan the Congress would "after 15th August" take reprisals in India. Gandhiji immediately wrote to him: "You are enunciating the doctrine of an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth. Only you will wait till the 15th August. Has the Congress policy changed? Congressmen have changed, I know, but I am not aware of any change in the Congress Constitution. Secondly, if Congress policy or practice has changed, who compels you to wait till 15th August? Who will be responsible for the incalculable harm that will have overtaken the people of India as well as Pakistan in the meantime? Who can control the people if they go mad and launch on a course of retaliation?"'
The Direct Action Day riots had terrorised the Hindu populations of Punjab and Bengal and instilled a fear of its recurrence in the hearts of the Congress leaders. In one of his outlandish demands, Jinnah had demanded not only the Punjab and Bengal, but also a 1,000-mile corridor across northern India linking the two Pakistans! The RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha did not publicly condemn any of these demands. They were happy if Muslim homelands were created, for they could then launch a movement to drive Muslims out of Hindustan. But when partition really happened the two organisations were thwarted in their plan to remove Muslims from Hindustan. They would never forgive the one man who stood between them and their dream of an ethnically cleansed Hindustan—Gandhi. Even after they succeeded in killing him, they could not erase his memory and have continued a hate campaign.
When Nathuram pulled the trigger he not only accomplished something he had tried and failed at several times before, but he also did an immense favour to the now estranged political heirs of Gandhi. A martyred Mahatma was so much easier to live with. Now they could exploit his name and the very special place that he held in the hearts of majority of the people of India when and how they wanted, without having to bear with his meddlesome ways and his 'impractical' philosophies. However, Gandhi had once said, 'If my faith burns bright, as I hope it will even if I stand alone, I shall be alive in the grave, and what is more, speaking from it.'
——————————
* Khan was also known as the Frontier Gandhi or Sarhad Ke Gandhi.
6
* * *
ATTEMPTS THAT FAILED
'By the grace of God I have been saved from the proverbial jaws of death, seven times. I have not ever hurt anybody. I consider no one to be an enemy, so I fail to understand why there have been so many attempts on my life. The attempt on my life yesterday failed. I am not ready to die just yet. I am going to live till I reach 125 years.'
– MAHATMA GANDHI, on 30 June 1946,
in Poona, after a failed attempt on his life
'But who will allow you to live that long?'
– the mocking retort by NATHURAM VINAYAK GODSE,
his eventual murderer
Of the seven attempts on Gandhi's life, five are well documented and involve the Pune branch of the Hindu Mahasabha; three of these point specifically to the involvement of Narayan Apte and Nathuram Godse*. The last of these was when a bomb was exploded at a prayer meeting on 20 June 1948. It was during this attack that Madanlal Pahwa was arrested. This last failed attempt on Gandhi's life and his murder have not been described here as it has been described in detail in a previous chapter. What this chapter aims to do is attempt to analyse the previous failed attempts and reason behind the continuing anti-Gandhi campaign.
Godse and Apte, the Hindu Mahasabha as well as their offshoot, the RSS, have always claimed that Gandhi was murdered because he was partial to the Muslims; because he was responsible for the vivisection of India; and because he forced the Government of India to pay Pakistan Rs. 55 crores. However, the previous attempts on his life all came at a time when Gandhi had never been accused of partiality towards Muslims, the country was yet to be divided, and, therefore, there was no question of paying Pakistan anything. Yet the Hindu Mahasabha and the Godse-Apte gang had made him their target. Was it Gandhi's campaign to eradicate untouchability that offended the Hindu supremacists?
THE FIRST ATTEMPT—BOMB THROWN IN POONA
25 June 1934, Poona:
On 25 June 1934, Gandhi was in Poona to participate in the Harijan Yatra. He was to deliver a speech at the Corporation Auditorium and receive an award from the city council. There are many versions of this story. An eyewitness account has been recorded by Shripad Joshi in his book Mahatma, My Bapu. Following is an extract from the fourth chapter titled 'From Death's Jaws'. There are other recorded versions which have slight variations, and those have been described.
'Like men, towns and cities also have their individuality, their virtues and faults, their peculiarities. Some are primarily business towns, some are known for their fighting spirit and some for their interest in learning. Poona is no exception. It is known as the seat of learning. Poona has played a vital role in creating the national spirit and the reformist movements in Maharashtra. At the same time, side by side with these, there has been a strong current of reactionary thought, opposed to all progressive thought and action in Poona, like the serpent in the forest of Sandalwood. It was Poona which led the strongest opposition to Gandhiji and his thoughts. Perhaps Poona was afraid that the leadership of India brought to it by Lokmanya Tilak would be taken away by Gandhiji.
'But it seems that Gandhiji had, inexplicably, a strong fascination for Poona. It is possible that he was secretly fascinated by Poona which was sanctified by social reformers, workers and patriots like Ranade, Phule, Gokhale, Tilak, Agarkar, Shinde, Karve etc. He had stayed in and taken vital decisions at various places in Poona, like the Yervada Jail, the Aga Khan Palace, Dr. Dinshaw's Nature Cure Clinic and Panchgani. I wonder if he knew that it was Poona which was going to make him a martyr!
'On January 30,1948, it was a Poonaite who assassinated the Father of the Nation and became the centre of world's anger and loath
ing. What peace can this give to his soul!
'But even before obtaining this distinction, Poona had tried its hand at a similar attempt, on June 25, 1934. Indian terrorists (revolutionaries) had tried their hand at throwing bombs at men attending a reception in honour of some British dignitary and had often gained the admiration of people because in those cases they reflected the feelings of the people. But the unknown person who threw a bomb at Gandhiji in the Poona Municipal Hall was never honoured thus.... Even today I recall the terrible blast of that bomb.
'June 25, 1934. An unforgettable evening in the life of the citizens of Poona. Gandhiji had come to Poona during an all-India tour undertaken to bury, once for all, the monster of untouchability. Despite the displeasure of the Government, the Poona Municipality had decided to honour him on behalf of the citizens for this great mission.
'The Municipal Hall was chockfull of the people of Poona and the crowd had spilled out into the streets outside. Our Boy Scout Band was awaiting his arrival in the southern balcony on the first floor of the building. I was the flute-player in that band. Our Boy Scout Band was patronised widely in those days. We used to feel somewhat embarrassed when called upon to play during ceremonies like marriages etc., but were glad to be called in for functions like the one in the Municipality. We were happy that we were participating in a welcome to Gandhiji and would see him that day.... Shortly we heard shouts of "Gandhiji has arrived" "Mahatmaji has come", "that is his car" etc., from the crowds outside and struck up a tune. A car stopped under the balcony. We thought that Gandhiji would alight and all of us would be able to see him. I leaned over the balcony while continuing to play the flute. Suddenly.... A deafening noise was heard drowning the music of the band. Alarmed, we looked at each other. We could not guess what it was but felt that something evil had happened. However, we continued to play. After some time we were told that it was not Gandhiji but Annasaheb Bhopatkar who had arrived.
'Gandhiji arrived after some time and we saw his frail figure. The function went through without a hitch. After he had left, we began to collect our instruments for departure when we were surrounded by the C.I.D. We were searched thoroughly. But the real culprit had already run away. The government announced a big award for his apprehension, but he was never found. As a result, it was never found out whether the terrorist was some opponent burning with jealousy at Gandhiji's popularity or was some fanatic orthodox Hindu who thought that his religion would be destroyed by the removal of untouchability.'
Writing about this incident in Gandhi's biography, Acharya Shankar Dattatreya Jawdekar says: 'When Gandhiji was on his way to receive the address, some fanatic Hindu, enraged at his devotion to the cause of the untouchables threw a bomb at him. Fortunately, it went astray and Gandhiji was unharmed. The police have been unable to catch the terrorist.... The protection of righteousness, and righteous conduct was the essence of Gandhiji's eternal religion. But some of those who called themselves the real followers of the eternal Hindu religion thought that it could be saved only through the murder of Gandhiji. When this stupid and evil orthodoxy was embellished with politics, militant Hindu nationalism was born which resorted to terrorist conspiracy. In the end, a blind follower of this perverted Hindu terrorism assassinated Gandhiji. But Gandhiji had already accomplished his mission of freedom for India.'
It was an extraordinary coincidence that the bomb should have been hurled at the car of Annasaheb Bhopatkar, notorious for his fanatical opposition to Gandhi. Bhopatkar was slightly injured with glass splinters, but his courage and self-control were such that he went and occupied his seat unperturbed by the injuries. All this happened so suddenly that only the police and a few others were aware of it. Even Gandhi was told of it only after the function was over. How pained he was by it was evident in the statement he made about the incident.
'I cannot believe,' Gandhi said, 'that any sane Sanatanist [orthodox] Hindu could ever encourage the insane act that was perpetrated this evening. However, I would like the Sanatanist friends to control the language that is being used by the speakers and writers claiming to speak on their behalf. The sorrowful incident had undoubtedly advanced the Harijan cause. It is easy to see causes prosper by martyrdom of those who stand for them. I am not aching for martyrdom, but if it comes my way in prosecution of what I consider the supreme duty in defence of the faith I hold in common with millions of Hindus, I shall have well earned it and it will be possible for the historian of the future to say that the vow that I have taken before the Harijans that I would, if need be, die in the attempt to remove untouchability was literally fulfilled. Let those who grudge me what yet remains to me of this earthly existence, know that it is the easiest thing to do away with my body.... What would the world have said, if the bomb had dropped on me and my party, which included my wife and three girls who are as dear to me as daughters and are entrusted to me by their parents? ... I have nothing but deep pity for the unknown thrower of the bomb. If I had my way, and if the bomb-thrower was known, I should certainly ask for his discharge even as I did in South Africa, in the case of those who successfully assaulted me. Let the reformers not be incensed against the bomb-thrower or those who may be behind him. What I should like them to do is to redouble their efforts to rid the country of the deadly evil of untouchability.
A description that is slightly at variance with the one described above, says that the hand grenade bounced off the bonnet of the car in which Gandhi was travelling and rolled some distance away before exploding and injuring some officials. In another version it is said that there were two cars in which Gandhi and his entourage were being brought to the venue. At a railway crossing they got separated and so the car bringing Gandhi to the venue reached a minute later than the first car. When the first car arrived, it was assumed that Gandhi was in it; the band started playing and the welcoming committee rushed towards the car. The assassin assumed that his victim had arrived and dropped the grenade from his perch on the roof. The hand grenade landed on the bonnet of the car and rolled on to the middle of the street before exploding. The car in which Gandhi was travelling reached the venue just a few seconds after the explosion. Gandhi saw the damage, but decided to go ahead with the programme.
In yet another version, a number of people are claimed to have been injured: the chief officer of the municipal corporation, two policemen and seven others.
The bomb was reportedly hurled by anti-Gandhi Hindu extremists, as mentioned by Pyarelal in his book and by Gandhi's biographer B.G. Tendulkar. Pyarelal writes: 'This time their attempt was very well planned and executed to perfection....' This implies that there had been prior attempts on Gandhi's life, and that the people responsible for the previous attacks, were involved in this one too. Pyarelal's remark also implies that the attempts before 25 June 1934 failed due to lack of planning and coordination and that the murderers were getting better each time'.
Pyarelal writes: 'These people kept photographs of Gandhi, Nehru and other Congress leaders in their shoes. They were trained to shoot at Gandhiji's photograph as a target. These were the same people who later murdered the Mahatma while he was striving to bring peace to a riot ravaged Delhi, in 1948'.
The attackers escaped and, surprisingly, there is no record of any investigations or arrests. Perhaps this was because the injuries caused were minor and the police did not feel the necessity to launch a thorough investigation.
This was the first documented attempt in India on Gandhi's life. Many historians have alleged that this could have been the work of the Nathuram Godse-Narayan Apte gang. This gang was involved in several other bomb attacks on those critical of Hindutva and the dominance of upper castes. This was also the time when the Hindu Mahasabha was extremely active and Savarkar had toured India, spreading his doctrine of Hindu supremacy and anti-Muslim rhetoric.
Ever since Gandhi's campaign of Harijan assimilation and his fight to have Harijans enter temples, Sanatani Hindus had been angry with him. They held demonstrations against Gandhi all over the country
.
THE SECOND ATTEMPT— NATHURAM ATTACKS GANDHI IN PANCHGANI
July 1944, Panchgani:
After his release from the Aga Khan Palace Prison Camp in May 1944, Gandhi contracted malaria and was advised rest by his physician. He retired to Panchgani, a mountain resort near Poona, where he stayed at the Dilkhush Bungalow. A group of eighteen or twenty men reached Panchgani by a chartered bus from Poona and held a daylong protest against Gandhi. When Gandhi was told about this, he invited the leader of the group, Nathuram Vinayak Godse, for a discussion. Nathuram rejected the invitation and continued with the demonstration.
During the prayer meeting that evening, Nathuram Godse, dressed in a Nehru shirt, pyjama, and jacket, rushed towards Gandhi. He was brandishing a dagger in his hand and shouting anti-Gandhi slogans. Godse was overpowered by Manishankar Purohit, the proprietor of the Surti Lodge of Poona, and D. Bhilare Guruji of Satara, who later became a Congress member of the legislature from Mahabaleshwar. The other youth accompanying Godse ran away. Godse's attack caused a minor panic in the prayer meeting, but Gandhi remained calm. He asked Godse to spend eight days with him so that he could understand his point of view. Godse rejected this invitation and was allowed to go free by a magnanimous Gandhi.
Lets Kill Gandhi Page 20