13. EIU Country Profile 2000: Dominican Republic, Haiti, Puerto Rico (London: Economist Intelligence Unit, 2000), 42.
14. Taft-Morales, “Haiti: Issues for Congress,” 8.
15. Ibid.
16. World Bank, Haiti: The Challenges of Poverty Reduction, 21.
17. Ibid.
18. Accounts in U.S. media indicate that several influential Americans with ties to the Clinton administration’s policies in Haiti have reaped profits from financial ties established when that administration was making policy. Telephone service is one example. See “Haitian Connections: How Clinton’s Cronies Cashed in on Foreign Policy,” Wall Street Journal, May 29, 2001.
19. Editorial Desk, “Haiti’s Disappearing Democracy,” New York Times, November 28, 2000; House Committee on International Relations, “Gilman, Helms, and Goss Issue Statement on Haitian Election,” 106th Congress, December 8, 2000; Rep. Porter Goss originally sponsored a bill “condemning the irregular interruption of the democratic political institutional process in Haiti” on March 8, 1999. http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi=bin/bdquery/D?d106:7:./temp/~bdUEGI:@@@L&summ2=m&.
20. World Bank, Haiti: The Challenges of Poverty Reduction, 14.
21. In classified congressional briefings in October 1993, the CIA provided an analysis and psychological profile of Aristide that suggested he was mentally unstable, violent, and used medication to treat depression and severe mood swings. In December 1993, Miami Herald reporter Christopher Marquis wrote an article claiming to disprove allegations that Aristide had received psychiatric treatment in Canada and concluding that the CIA report was false. See Steven A. Holmes, “Administration Is Fighting Itself on Haiti Policy,” New York Times, October 23, 1993; Christopher Marquis, “CIA Report on Aristide Was False; He Did Not Undergo Psychiatric Treatment,” Miami Herald, December 2, 1993; Mark Danner, “The Fall of the Prophet,” New York Review of Books, December 2, 1993 (see also Danner, “Haiti on the Verge, New York Review of Books, November 4, 1993, and “The Prophet,” New York Review of Books, November 18, 1993); David Malone, Decision-Making in the UN Security Council: The Case of Haiti, 1990–1997 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 98.
22. Danner, “Haiti on the Verge,” New York Review of Books, November 4, 1993.
23. Lally Weymouth, “Haiti’s Suspect Savior: Why President Aristide’s Return from Exile May Not Be Good News,” Washington Post, January 24, 1993; see also Malone, Decision-Making in the UN Security Council, 61; “The Clever Soldiers of Haiti,” The Economist, October 12, 1991.
24. For one account of this episode, see Danner, “The Fall of the Prophet.”
25. Charles Lane, with Peter Katel, Tim Padgett, Ann McDaniel, and Daniel Glick, “Haiti: Why the Coup Matters,” Newsweek, October 14, 1991.
26. Lee Hockstader, “Critics of Exiled Haitian President Focus on His Concept of Justice,” Washington Post, October 7, 1991; Mark Falcoff, “What ‘Operation Restore Democracy’ Restored,” Commentary 101, no. 5 (May 1996): 45.
27. Henry F. Carey, “Electoral Observation and Democratization in Haiti,” 148. In a speech to his Lavalas followers, Aristide said, “Alone, we are weak; Together, we are strong; Together, we are the flood; The flood of poor peasants and poor soldiers, The flood of the poor jobless multitudes…the flood of all our poor friends…. Let the Flood descend!”(Danner, “The Fall of the Prophet,” 44). Danner wrote, “Lavalas is a Creole word rich in connotations; [it] evokes not only ‘flood,’ as it is usually translated but its near cognate, ‘avalanche’; for poor Haitians, the word evokes the image of the sweeping rains that spawn the torrents that course through the enormous slums…an image that transformed the poor millions of Haiti into a surging wave that could not be forestalled, a revolution that was unstoppable and inevitable”(Danner, “The Fall of the Prophet,” 46).
28. Georges A. Fauriol, “The Military and Politics in Haiti,” in Georges A. Fauriol, ed., Haitian Frustrations: Dilemmas for U.S. Policy (Washington, DC: CSIS, 1995), 22–23.
29. Ibid.
30. Thomas L. Friedman, “U.S. Suspends Assistance to Haiti and Refuses to Recognize Junta,” New York Times, October 2, 1991.
31. SG/SM/4627 HI/4 of October 1, 1991; quoted in Malone, Decision-Making in the UN Security Council, 63.
32. Malone, Decision-Making in the UN Security Council, 63, 209.
33. “Remarks by United States Secretary of State James Baker before the Organization of American States Meeting on the Situation in Haiti, Washington, DC,” Federal News Service, October 2, 1991.
34. OAS-MRE/RES 1/91.
35. Executive Order 12775, “Prohibiting Certain Transactions with Respect to Haiti,” Public Papers of the Presidents, October 4, 1991 (published in the Federal Register, October 7, 1991).
36. “The President’s News Conference,” Public Papers of the Presidents, October 4, 1991.
37. James A. Baker III, The Politics of Diplomacy: Revolution, War and Peace, 1989–1992 (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1995), 602.
38. See Malone, Decision-Making in the UN Security Council, 65.
39. Ibid, 259.
40. OAS-MRE/RES 2/91.
41. MRE/RES 1/91 and MRE/RES 1/92; A/RES/46/7 of October 11, 1991.
42. Lee Hockstader, “Haitian Premier: If Aristide Returns, He’s a Dead Duck; Embargo Will Mean Civil War,” Washington Post, October 25, 1991; Howard W. French, “U.S. Will Impose a Trade Ban on Haiti,” New York Times, October 30, 1991.
43. John M. Goshko, “Bush Strengthens Curb on Haiti Trade,” Washington Post, October 30, 1991.
44. Lee Hockstader, “Embargo of Haiti at Issue,” Washington Post, November 27, 1991; Canute James, “Executives Urge End to Haiti Trade Ban,” Journal of Commerce, December 6, 1991; Carla Anne Robbins, Robin Knight, and Peter Green, “A Diplomatic Stalemate Leaves the Haitian Poor Adrift,” U.S. News & World Report, December 9, 1991.
45. Howard W. French, “Sanctions Said to Fuel Haitian Exodus by Sea,” New York Times, November 23, 1991.
46. Ibid.
47. Jeane Kirkpatrick, “Hurting Haiti’s Poorest,” Washington Post, December 9, 1991, editorial; page A21.
48. Associated Press, May 30, 1992.
49. OAS-MRE/RES 3/92. The same resolution, of May 17, 1992, recommended that members deny visa privileges and freeze the assets of the Haitian military commanders in power.
50. “Statement by President George Bush on the Haitian Trade Embargo,” Federal News Service, May 28, 1992.
51. Lori Fisler Damrosch, ed., Enforcing Restraint: Collective Intervention in Internal Conflicts (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1993), 17.
52. Damrosch, Enforcing Restraint, 375.
53. Elizabeth D. Gibbons, Sanctions in Haiti: Human Rights and Democracy under Assault (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies/ Praeger, 1999), 110–111.
54. David Binder, “Clinton Urges Haitian Leader to Appoint a New Premier,” New York Times, July 23, 1993.
55. Elizabeth Drew estimated the number of attachés at between forty and sixty. See Elizabeth Drew, On the Edge: The Clinton Presidency (New York: Touchstone, 1995), 333.
56. Dan Balz and Richard Morin, “Public Losing Confidence in Clinton Foreign Policy,” Washington Post, May 17, 1994.
57. Adapted from Jeane Kirkpatrick, “Invade Haiti?” Baltimore Sun, May 24, 1994.
58. The Friends of the Secretary-General for Haiti, a group of countries charged with special responsibility for shaping Security Council policy toward Haiti, included Canada, France, the United States, and Venezuela, and later Argentina (from 1994) and Chile (from 1996).
59. See Gibbons, Sanctions in Haiti, 11.60. William Schneider, “The Carterization of Bill Clinton,” National Journal, October 1, 1994.
61. President Clinton’s Address to the Nation on the Situation in Haiti, Federal News Service, September 15, 1994.
62. Poll results cited in “This Week with David Brinkley,” ABC News, September 18, 1994; “Majority of U.S. Voters Opposed to Invasion of
Haiti,” ABC News: World News Sunday, September 18, 1994.
63. After U.S. troops landed in Haiti, a poll taken on September 19 showed 52 percent opposed (Michael R. Kagay, “Occupation Lifts Clinton’s Standing in Poll, But Many Americans Are Skeptical,” New York Times, September 21, 1994).
64. The forces included approximately 1,300 troops to guard vital installations, 600 police monitors, and 100 police trainers (Steven Greenhouse, “Showdown in Haiti,” New York Times, September 19, 1994).
65. Greenhouse, “Showdown in Haiti.”
66. Thomas M. Franck, “The Emerging Right to Democratic Governance,” American Journal of International Law 86 (1992): 46.
67. Ibid.
68. Adapted from Jeane Kirkpatrick, “Is Democracy an Entitlement?” Washington Post, September 12, 1994.
69. Helman and Ratner, “Saving Failed States,” 10.
70. Gareth Evans and Mohamed Sahnoun, “The Responsibility to Protect,” Foreign Affairs (November/December 2002): 99–110.
71. Helman and Ratner, “Saving Failed States,” 3.
72. Ibid., 12.
73. Jeane Kirkpatrick, “Why It’s Smart to Bet on a Haiti Invasion,” Los Angeles Times, August 21, 1994.
74. The agreement was also called the Carter-Cédras Accord.
75. Adapted from Jeane Kirkpatrick, “The Theory and Practice of Clintonism,” in Jeane Kirkpatrick, Jacqueline Tillman, et al., Security and Insecurity: A Critique of Clinton Policy at Mid-Term (Washington, DC: Empower America, 1994).
76. Greenhouse, “Showdown in Haiti.”
77. Adapted from Jeane Kirkpatrick, “Peacekeeping: Go Easy,” New York Post, May 9, 1995.
78. Kenneth T. Walsh, Bruce B. Auster, and Tim Zimmerman, “Good Cops, Bad Cops,” U.S. News & World Report, September 26, 1994.
79. See Kenneth J. Cooper and Helen Dewar, “Congress Urges ‘Prompt’ Troop Withdrawal from Haiti,” Washington Post, October 7, 1994.
80. Adapted from Jeane Kirkpatrick, “The Theory and Practice of Clintonism.”
81. Adapted from Jeane Kirkpatrick, “Clinton at Mid-Term,” in Jeane Kirkpatrick, Jacqueline Tillman, et al., Security and Insecurity.
82. S/1995/305, “Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Mission in Haiti,” April 13, 1995, documents the composition of UNMIH troops and UNMIH civilian police.
83. Tara Sonenshine, “What’s Going Right in Haiti?” Washington Times, March 7, 1995.
84. See Larry Rohter, “February 19–25: Taking Charge; Haiti Cripples Its Army and Schedules Its Elections,” New York Times, February 26, 1995.
85. “The United Nations and the Situation in Haiti” (New York: United Nations Department of Public Information, March 1995), prepared by the Department of Public Information, United Nations—as of September 1996. http://www.un.org/Depts/DPKO/Missions/unmih_b.htm; David Malone, Decision-Making in the UN Security Council, 122–124.
86. See Charles Lane, “Island of Disenchantment,” New Republic, September 29, 1997. A U.S. embassy cable of September 1, 1995, stated that the FBI investigation of the Bertin assassination was at a standstill owing to lack of cooperation from the government of Haiti and that persons close to the president who were thought to be implicated in execution-style killings continued to hold their positions.
87. Douglas Farah, “‘From Death to Life:’ One Year After President’s Return, Haiti Fitfully Democratizes,” Washington Post, September 30, 1995.
88. Robert A. Pastor, “Mission to Haiti #3, Elections for Parliament and Municipalities, June 23–26, 1995”(Atlanta: Carter Center, July 17, 1995).
89. Robert A. Pastor, “A Popular Democratic Revolution in a Predemocratic Society: The Case of Haiti,” in Robert I. Rotberg, ed., Haiti Renewed: Political and Economic Prospects (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1997), 131.
90. Ron Howell, “Haiti Votes, in Peaceful Confusion,” Newsday, June 26, 1995; International Republican Institute (IRI) News Release, June 24, 1995. See also IRI News Release of June 26 and “Haiti Election Alert,” June 27, 1995.
91. Pastor, “A Popular Democratic Revolution in a Predemocratic Society,” 131.
92. Ibid., 127.
93. Ibid., 131.
94. Ibid., 127.
95. “No Major Irregularities in Haiti Vote,” United Press International, June 25, 1995.
96. “Half of Electorate Turns Out for Poll, Marked by Irregularities,” Agence France Presse, June 26, 1995.
97. State Department briefing, Federal News Service, June 27, 1995.
98. Anita Snow, “U.S. Official: Elections Were Least Violent in Haiti’s History,” Associated Press, June 28, 1995.
99. United Nations Security Council, “Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Mission in Haiti,” S/1995/614, July 24, 1995.
100. Dominique Levanti, “International Observers Hail Fairness of Haitian Vote,” Agence France Presse, June 28, 1995.
101. See OAS, “Final Report of the OAS Electoral Observation Mission to the Legislative and Municipal Elections in Haiti,” CP/doc.2703/96, February 20, 1996, and corr. 1, March 5, 1996; Pastor, “Mission to Haiti #3”; United Nations Security Council, “Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Mission in Haiti.”
102. Préval had “such a close relationship with President Jean-Bertrand Aristide that supporters call[ed] them ‘the twins,’ despite their sharp differences in temperament and upbringing.”(Douglas Farah, “Aristide’s ‘Twin’ on Center Stage,” Washington Post, December 17, 1995.)
103. “Gilman Charges Cover-up as White House Claims Executive Privilege over Documents on Political Killings,” press release issued September 25, 1996.
104. Haiti: “Steps Forward, Steps Back: Human Rights 10 Years after the Coup,” September 27, 2001, http://www.web.amnesty.org/library/index/engAMR360102001? OpenDocument.
105. OAS, “Final Report: The Election Observation Mission for the Legislative, Municipal, and Local Elections in Haiti, February to July 2000” (OAS, Unit for the Promotion of Democracy, 2001), Electoral Observations in the Americas Series, No. 28, OEA/Ser.D/XX, SG/UPD/II.28, December 13, 2000.
106. OAS, “The OAS Electoral Observation Mission in Haiti: Chief of Mission Report to the OAS Permanent Council,” July 13, 2000, http://www.haitipolicy.org/archives/Archives/June-August2000/oas9.htm. See also OAS, “Final Report…February to July 2000.”
107. OAS, “Electoral Observation Mission in Haiti: OAS Will Not Observe Haiti’s July 9 Second Round Elections,” Press Release, July 7, 2000, http:/www.upd.oas.org/EOM/Haiti/haitiobservation200010.htm.
108. OAS, “Chief of Mission Report.”
109. Yves Colon, “U.S. Warns against Travel to Haiti before Elections,” Miami Herald, November 19, 2000.
110. Edward Cody, “Divided and Desperate Haiti Braces for Aristide’s Return,” Washington Post, February 1, 2001; Yves Colon, “Aristide Urged to Condemn Violence,” Miami Herald, January 12, 2001.
111. Colon, “Aristide Urged to Condemn Violence.”
112. The United States did not send an official delegation to the inauguration; however, the State Department said that “in support of national interests in Haiti and in view of our historic ties to the Haitian people,” U.S. ambassador to Haiti Brian Dean Curran represented Washington (Eric Green, “U.S. Urges Aristide, Opposition to Address Haiti’s Difficulties,” Washington File, U.S. Department of State, February 7, 2001.)
113. “Annan Recommends Winding Up UN Mission to Haiti,” Agence France Presse, November 28, 2000.
114. Ibid.
115. “Report of the Secretary General on the OAS Mission and of the Joint OAS/CARICOM Mission to Haiti,” June 3, 2001, www.oas.org/Assembly2001/documentsE/AG264.htm.
116. “United States Urges Calm Among Political Parties in Haiti,” Washington File, U.S. Department of State, March 12, 2001.
117. AG/RES. 1831 (XXXI-O/01), June 5, 2001.
118. Quoted in “New Elections OK’d in Haiti,” Miami Herald, July 18, 2001.
119. “OAS Secretary-General Condemns Violence, Calls for the Continuation of Political Dialogue in Haiti,” OAS, E-165/01, July 31, 2001.
120. Michael Norton, “Talks Collapse in Haiti,” Associated Press, October 14, 2001.
121. Michael Norton, “Police Defeat Coup Attempt in Haiti,” Miami Herald, December 18, 2001.
122. Nancy San Martin, “OAS Report Says Attack in Haiti on Palace Was Not Coup Attempt,” Miami Herald, July 2, 2002; OAS, “Report of the Commission of Inquiry into the Events of December 17, 2001, in Haiti,” OEA/Ser. G, CP/INF 4702/02, July 1, 2001.
123. Michael Norton, “Top OAS Official Leaves Haiti Empty-Handed after Vain Attempt to Jump Start Talks to Break Political Impasse,” Associated Press, July 10, 2002.
124. Ibid.
125. OAS, CP/RES. 822 (1331/02), September 4, 2002.
126. Tim Johnson, “Haiti on Road to Ruin, OAS Leader Says,” Miami Herald, November 7, 2002; Marika Lynch, “Critics Doubt Haiti Vow to Disarm Political Gangs,” Miami Herald, November 19, 2002.
127. Johnson, “Haiti on Road to Ruin.”
128. For example, “Florida Voyage Spurs Charges,” Washington Post, October 31, 2002; Charles Babin and Jennifer Maloney, “Sharpton Urges Release of Haitians,” Miami Herald, November 3, 2002; Andrew Elliott and Larry Lebowitz, “Haitians a Threat, INS Says,” Washington Post, November 7, 2002; Raymond A. Joseph, “Aristide’s Refugee Politics,” Wall Street Journal, October 31, 2002; Sabra Ayres, “U.S. Policy Favors Cuban Refugees,” Washington Post, November 14, 2002.
129. Adapted from Jeane Kirkpatrick, “A Pro-Democracy Policy,” Washington Post, July 13, 1992.
130. Jeane Kirkpatrick, “The Theory and Practice of Clintonism.” in Jeane Kirkpatrick, Jacqueline Tillman, et al., Security and Insecurity.
131. Anthony P. Maingot, Current History (February 1994).
4. THE BALKAN WARS: MAKING WAR TO KEEP THE PEACE
1. James Gow, Triumph of the Lack of Will: International Diplomacy and the Yugoslav War (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 328.
2. A good account of early Serb efforts at ethnic cleansing in Kosovo is the monograph “Dismissals and Ethnic Cleansing in Kosovo,” published in October 1992 by the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), Rue Montagnc aux-Herles-Potageres 37–41 B 1000, Brussels.
Making War to Keep Peace Page 40