Worse lay ahead. Stricken with dysentery, Le Gentil remained in India for another nine months, bedridden. He then booked passage home aboard a Spanish warship that was demasted in a hurricane off the Cape of Good Hope and blown off course north of the Azores before finally limping into port at Cadiz. Le Gentil crossed the Pyrenees and at last set foot on French soil, after eleven years, six months, and thirteen days of absence. Upon his return to Paris he learned that he had been declared dead, his estate looted, and its remains divided up among his heirs and creditors. He renounced astronomy, married, and retired to write his memoirs. Cassini, eulogizing Le Gentil, praised his character but allowed that “in his sea voyages he had contracted a little unsociability and brusqueness.”10
The most elaborate of the transit expeditions, mounted by the Royal Society, departed aboard the ninety-eight-foot bark H.M.S. Endeavour from Plymouth on August 26, 1768, with a deputation of scientists led by Joseph Banks, a wealthy botanist and future president of the Royal Society. Endeavour was equipped with crates full of clocks, telescopes, and meteorological equipment, as well as a barrel of nails for trading with the Tahitians, who had a passion for anything made of metal. The commander was Captain James Cook, an expert navigator, marine surveyor, and mathematician who had taught himself astronomy so well that, by observing the solar eclipse of 1766, he had been able to determine his longitude in Newfoundland to within two nautical miles. An empiricist in the social as well as the physical sciences, Cook found by experimenting with diet that he could ward off scurvy by feeding his men sauerkraut, which he shrewdly popularized among the hands by at first restricting it to the officers’ mess. The voyage was uneventful by the standards of the day: The expeditionaries took on three thousand gallons of wine and a thousand pounds of onions at Madeira, were fired upon in the Falklands by a half-mad viceroy who understood the transit to involve “the North Star passing through the South Pole,” and lost four men—a veteran seaman who drowned, a young marine who jumped overboard in shame after having stolen a bit of sealskin, and Banks’s two servants, who got drunk in a snowstorm in Tierra del Fuego and froze to death. After seven and a half months Endeavour reached Tahiti, then as now a synonym for paradise.
Cook issued strict orders to his men against unauthorized trading of metal objects with Tahitian females, who adorned their thighs with intricate tattoos of arrows and stars and saw nothing wrong in trading sexual favors for a nail or two. Cook recalled with concern that the crew of an earlier ship to reach Tahiti, the Dolphin, had in their enthusiasm for the Tahitian girls extracted so many nails from the ship that they nearly pulled it apart. When two of Cook’s marines deserted, married Tahitians, and fled to the mountains, Cook had them brought back and clapped in irons; he was a humane man, but he intended to return to England. His orders notwithstanding, though, nails and other metal objects kept vanishing from the ship.
Under Cook’s and Banks’s direction a fortress observatory was erected on Tahiti at what has ever since been known as Point Venus, and from there the transit of June 3, 1769, was observed under clear blue skies.
Timing the transit, however, proved difficult. The trouble was that Venus has a thick atmosphere, which refracts and diffuses the sunlight passing through it. As a result the disk of the planet, rather than snapping crisply into view as does the disk of airless Mercury when it is in transit, seems instead to adhere to the edge of the sun, like a raindrop hanging from a branch. “We very distinctly saw an Atmosphere or dusky shade round the body of the Planet which very much disturbed the times of the Contacts,” Cook noted in his journal.11 Consequently, Cook and astronomer Charles Green, observing through identical telescopes, differed in their estimates of the entry and exit times of Venus’ disk by as much as twenty seconds.
But despite these difficulties, the data gathered by Cook’s and the other scientific expeditions yielded estimates of the distance from the earth to the sun that came within 10 percent of the correct value. The astronomical unit subsequently was measured even more accurately by scientists who drew imaginary triangles, ever more refined, to Venus during its nineteenth-century transits, to Mars when it was in opposition in 1877, and to dozens of asteroids (or “minor planets”) as these previously useless chunks of rock drifted past the earth.
The immensity of the solar system, nearly a hundred times the Ptolemaic estimate of the size of the entire universe, now stood revealed, and scientists could with assurance turn their attention to the depths of interstellar space, and take on the still more ambitious task of measuring the distances of stars.
Here, too, some ground had been cleared by educated guesswork. One early approach to measuring stellar distances consisted of assuming that a given star was intrinsically just as bright as the sun, then measuring its apparent brightness (or magnitude) and estimating its distance by applying the law, known since Kepler’s day, that the apparent brightness of any object in space diminishes by the square of its distance. (This was analogous to earlier attempts to approximate the distances of planets by assuming that they were roughly the same size as the earth.) In the late seventeenth century, Christian Huygens observed the sun from a darkened room through pinholes of various sizes until he obtained an image that seemed equal in brightness to that of Sirius, the brightest star. Since the appropriate pinhole admitted 1 part in 27,664 of the sun’s light, Huygens concluded that Sirius was 27,664 times farther away than the sun—an underestimate by some twenty times, but an enormous distance nonetheless. A somewhat more refined approach, proposed by James Gregory in 1668 and detailed by Isaac Newton in a draft of the Principia, was to use Saturn, the outermost known planet, as a sort of reflecting mirror to gauge the intensity of sunlight. By guessing at Saturn’s reflectivity and assuming the stars to be of similar brightness to the sun, Newton concluded that the brightest stars are (to convert his figures into modern terms) about sixteen light-years away. The flaw here was that stars differ tremendously in their intrinsic luminosity; most of the bright stars we see in the sky are tens of times more luminous than the sun, and are, therefore, much more distant than we would guess by assuming that they resemble the sun.
The more promising strategy was to triangulate the stars. This could be accomplished by using, not the earth, but the orbit of the earth, as the baseline. The idea was to chart the position of a nearby star on two evenings six months apart, when the earth was at opposite extremities of its orbit, then look for a change in position produced by the change in our angle of sight on the nearby star against the more distant stars in the background. This method, known as stellar parallax, became theoretically practicable once the radius of the earth’s orbit—the astronomical unit—had been measured. Before it could be employed successfully, however, some of the subtleties of the earth’s motion had to be better understood.
The hero of this dry but vital business was the British astronomer James Bradley, Halley’s successor as Astronomer Royal. Raised on parallax, Bradley had triangulated Mars while still in his twenties, in the company of his uncle the amateur astronomer James Pound and Halley himself. Their observations indicated that the astronomical unit was equal to some 93 million to 125 million miles.
Eight years later, in 1725, Bradley and another amateur astronomer, Samuel Molyneux, installed a precision telescope in the chimney of Molyneux’s home. This “zenith telescope” pointed straight up, to the part of the sky where distortions of starlight induced by the earth’s atmosphere are at a minimum. It was used to observe but a single star, Gamma Draconis, which passed through the zenith at London’s latitude. Bradley and Molyneux reasoned that as the months went by the apparent position of Gamma Draconis would slowly shift, owing to the changing perspective introduced by the earth’s motion. The extent of this shift was to be measured by means of a plumb bob that would indicate how much the telescope’s aim had to be altered to bring the star back into the crosshairs. (Hooke, in the previous century, had used a zenith telescope to observe the same star, but the crudity of his instruments preve
nted his reaching any useful conclusion.)
The new assault on the parallax of Gamma Draconis proved more successful, but in an entirely unexpected way. As the months passed and Bradley’s observations of the star accumulated, he was surprised to find that the largest variation in its position occurred not annually, but daily. Intrigued, Bradley installed a second telescope, one capable of greater latitude of motion and, therefore, of observing more stars, and mounted it on the roof of his aunt’s home. (She obligingly permitted holes to be cut through the floors so that the measuring instruments could be placed in the cool, stable air of the basement.) By 1728, Bradley had observed more than two hundred stars and had found, to his amazement, that every one of them behaved in the same way: Each seemed to crawl slightly northward, then southward, every twenty-four hours. Bradley had no idea why.
Estimates of the size of Earth’s orbit, A.D. 100–1769
As often happens, the answer came to him not while he was at work in his observatory but while he was relaxing. While on a boat in the Thames, Bradley found himself gazing at a wind vane mounted atop the mast. It pointed into the wind and therefore seemed to change direction whenever the boat turned. What was changing, of course, was the orientation, not of the wind, but of the boat.
It occurred to Bradley that the earth is like a boat adrift in winds of starlight—that, as the earth moves through the starlight, its motion alters the apparent positions of the stars. Think of the earth as a woman walking briskly through the rain; her motion makes the raindrops seem to slant toward her, so she tilts her umbrella forward to compensate. Similarly, the earth’s motion makes starlight seem to slant, altering the apparent position of the stars hour by hour. Bradley had discovered what is called the aberration of starlight.
Twenty years later Bradley detected another subtlety in the earth’s motion, a nutation, or wobble, in the direction of its axis of rotation. These complications frustrated his efforts to detect the parallax of Gamma Draconis, but they paved the way for future parallax measurements—and, not incidentally, provided direct proof of the old Copernican hypothesis that the earth spins on its axis and orbits the sun.
But, since the stars are very far away, their triangulation called for instruments more precise than were available in Bradley’s day. Were the earth’s orbit represented by a serving platter one foot in diameter, a triangle drawn from the edges of the plate to the very nearest star would be twenty-six miles long, and its sides would be almost indistinguishable from parallel lines. The job facing the parallax astronomers was to detect the angle of convergence of such a triangle, and much thinner ones as well, and to measure the angles precisely enough to say where the lines would meet, for at that point stood the location of the star in three-dimensional space.
Bradley did not live to see the day when so great a degree of exactitude became attainable. But telescopes and their mountings kept improving, and in December 1838, Friedrich Wilhelm Bessel, a mathematician and astronomer who worked at the observatory of Königsberg with a precision telescope constructed by the master optician Joseph Fraunhofer of Munich, announced that after eighteen months of observations he had succeeded in measuring the parallax of the star 61 Cygni. Bessel’s measurement yielded a distance to 61 Cygni that came within 10 percent of the modern value of 10.9 light-years. Soon thereafter Thomas Henderson at the Cape of Good Hope obtained the parallax of Alpha Centauri, and Friedrich Struve in Russia found the parallax of the bright blue star Vega.
The angles, as expected, were tiny. The parallax of Alpha Centauri, which is the nearest star to the sun and therefore has the largest parallax, is only 0.3 seconds of arc, or one ten-thousandth of a degree. Clearly, interstellar space is built on an almost inconceivably gigantic scale. Light from our neighbor Alpha Centauri, traveling at 186,000 miles per second, takes four years and fifteen weeks to reach us (which is to say that Alpha Centauri is 4.3 light-years away), while 61 Cygni, the inconspicuous star scrutinized by Bessel, lies 11 light-years from the earth. But the vastness of the distances, which had long been inferred from the supposition that the stars are suns, made less of an impression than did the fact that such distances actually could be measured by human beings. Triangles born in the mind of Aristarchus of Samos had been extended out into the previously soundless depths of interstellar space, throwing back the conceptual horizons of cosmological thought. The sky was no longer the limit.
And yet, the more that came to be understood about the distant stars, the more intimate they seemed, as connections were identified linking the earth and the stars. One such insight in particular would have interested Captain Cook. It has to do with the iron that made the nails that the Tahitians found so alluring.
When the nuclear chemistry that powers the stars began to be deciphered by twentieth-century astrophysicists, it emerged that iron plays a central role in the evolution of stars. Stars burn by fusing the nuclei of the light atoms of hydrogen, the nucleus of which consists of but a single proton, and helium, which consists of two protons and two neutrons. In doing so stars release energy, which is how they shine, but they also build heavier atoms out of the lighter ones. As the process continues, each star forges atoms of carbon, oxygen, neon, sodium, magnesium and silicon, then nickel, cobalt, and, finally, iron. At iron the building stops; a normal, first-generation star lacks the energy required to make any heavier nuclei. The Sumerian name for iron, which means “metal from heaven,” is literally true: Iron is a working star’s proudest product.
When a star runs out of fuel, it can become unstable and explode, spewing much of its substance, now rich in iron and other heavy elements, into space. As time passes, this expanding bubble of gas is intermixed with passing interstellar clouds. The sun and its planets congealed from one such cloud. Time passed, human beings appeared, miners in the north of England dug the iron from the earth, and ironmongers pounded it into nails that longshoremen loaded in barrels into the holds of H.M.S Endeavour. Off the nails went to Tahiti, continuing a journey that had begun in the bowels of stars that died before the sun was born. The nails that Cook’s men traded with the Tahitian dancing girls, while on an expedition to measure the distance of the sun, were, themselves, the shards of ancient suns.
*The map revealed that France was smaller than had been thought, prompting the Sun King to remark that the scholars of the French Academy of Sciences had cost him more territory than had been lost to all France’s enemies in war.
*The most recent transits of Venus were in 1874 and 1882; the next will occur on June 7, 2004, and June 5, 2012.
8
DEEP SPACE
The infinitude of the creation is great enough to make a world, or a Milky Way of worlds, look in comparison with it what a flower or an insect does in comparison with the earth.
—Immanuel Kant
I have looked farther into space than ever [a] human being did before me.
—William Herschel
Bright nebulae (from the Latin for “fuzzy”) are diffuse patches of glowing material found scattered here and there among the stars. Most can be seen only with a telescope. Although they resemble one another superficially, the bright nebulae actually comprise three very different classes of objects. Some, misnamed “planetary” because they are spherical in shape and bear a passing resemblance to planets, are shells of gas thrown off by old, unstable stars; a typical planetary nebula is about one light-year in diameter and has one-fifth the mass of the sun. Others, the reflection and emission nebulae, are clouds of gas and dust illuminated by nearby stars; in many cases, the stars doing the illuminating have themselves recently condensed from the surrounding cloud. These nebulae measure hundreds of light-years in diameter and can harbor the mass of a million or more suns. They represent the bright, congealed parts of the still more extensive dark nebulae that wend their way throughout much of the disk of the Milky Way galaxy —though this was not recognized at first, since the dark nebulae are too inconspicuous to call attention to themselves. Finally there are the elliptical a
nd spiral nebulae. These are galaxies in their own right, millions of light-years away. A major galaxy can measure over one hundred thousand light-years in diameter and contain hundreds of billions of stars.
In much the same way that human beings could not investigate interstellar space until we understood that the sun is one among many stars, so the realization that we live in a universe of galaxies, scattered across immense gulfs of space, required that we first understand the nature of the nebulae. This involved comprehending not only the appearance of the nebulae but also their chemical composition, an effort that spawned the sciences of spectroscopy and astrophysics.
Science is said to proceed on two legs, one of theory (or, loosely, of deduction) and the other of observation and experiment (or induction). Its progress, however, is less often a commanding stride than a kind of halting stagger—more like the path of the wandering minstrel than the straight-ruled trajectory of a military marching band. The development of science is influenced by intellectual fashions, is frequently dependent upon the growth of technology, and, in any case, seldom can be planned far in advance, since its destination is usually unknown. In the case of the exploration of intergalactic space, the first step was taken by armchair theorists—by the philosopher Immanuel Kant and the mathematician Johann Lambert—followed by the observations of the prescient amateur astronomer William Herschel.
Coming of Age in the Milky Way Page 14