15. A Marylander, “Mr. Hayes,” Maryland Gazette, Dec. 30, 1788, DHFFE, 2: 166. See also A Marylander, “Mr. Hayes,” Maryland Gazette, Jan. 2, 1789, DHFFE, 2: 181–82 (accusing specific antifederalist candidates of secretly preferring Henry over Washington).
16. Samuel Sterett, “To the PUBLIC,” Dec. 13, 1788, DHFFE, 2:170 (Sterett was an antifederalist candidate for elector in Maryland).
17. “Philadelphia, 14th January,” Federal Gazette, Jan. 14, 1789, p. 3.
18. For the vote totals in Maryland by county, see DHFFE, 2: 204–5.
19. E.g., Carlisle antifederalists explained to state party leader John Nicholson, “There was an election held yesterday for Electors but our party left it to the others and did not vote. We are sorry that last election day proved such a wet day which was much to the advantage of the opposite party.” Alexander McKeehan and George Logue to John Nicholson, Jan. 8, 1789, DHFFE, 1: 282. For the vote totals in Pennsylvania by county, see DHFFE, 1: 390–91.
20. For the vote totals in Delaware by county, see DHFFE, 2: 83.
21. George Washington to Samuel Powel, Feb. 5, 1789, PGW, PS 1: 281 (parenthetical phrase deleted).
22. For the vote totals in Virginia by district, see DHFFE, 2: 306–8. No winner was certified in one of Virginia’s twelve electoral districts.
23. Jonathan Trumbull Jr. to George Washington, Oct. 28, 1788, PGW, PS 1: 79.
24. The process was somewhat different in the two states. In Massachusetts, town-meeting votes were combined at the district level, with the names of the top two candidates from each district going forward to the legislature. In New Hampshire, which had five electors, town-meeting votes were combined statewide, with the names of the top ten candidates going forward to the legislature. Any candidate receiving more than 10 percent of the total town-meeting vote, or effectively a majority for a five-person field, was automatically elected. None did.
25. Benjamin Lincoln to George Washington, Jan. 4, 1789, PGW, PS 1: 233.
26. “Proceedings of the Legislature of this State,” New Hampshire Spy, Jan. 13, 1789, p. 94.
27. George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, Oct. 3, 1788, PGW, PS 1: 33.
28. George Washington to William Pierce, Jan. 1, 1789, PGW, PS 1: 281.
29. If Washington did not see the article in its original Massachusetts source, he should have seen it reprinted in the Federal Gazette or Virginia Centinel. “BOSTON January 21,” Federal Gazette, Feb. 2, 1789, p. 2. For an example of the letters reaching Washington during this period, see John Edger Howard to George Washington, Jan. 23, 1789, PGW, PS 1: 252, in which a Maryland correspondent reported that the federalist ticket had not only swept his state but “that in the county which bears your name out of 1164 taken there was not one for the antifederal ticket.”
30. George Washington to Henry Knox, Jan. 29, 1789, PGW, PS 1: 260. The ad appeared in New York’s Daily Advertiser and mentioned two colors, London Smoke and Hartford Gray, but clearly there were more. “American Woolens,” Daily Advertiser, Jan. 21, 1789, p. 3. In his letter to Knox, Washington wrote that for her riding habit, his wife wanted the color London Smoke.
31. A Philadelphia Mechanic, “To the Editor,” Federal Gazette, Jan. 7, 1789, p. 3. The other article, which appeared two days later and used similar phrases, reported on “a meeting of a number of the principal citizens in and about the borough of Wilmington,” Delaware, at which everyone, by prior agreement, was “clad in complete suits of American manufacture.” The writer urged all patriotic Americans to emulate their example. “From the Wilmington Gazette,” Federal Gazette, Jan. 9, 1789, p. 3.
32. George Washington to Lafayette, Jan. 29, 1789, PGW, PS 1: 264. Washington added that he used only American-made porter and cheese. “Both those articles may now be purchased of an excellent quality,” he noted.
33. “This Day,” Massachusetts Centinel, Feb. 4, 1789, DHFFE 4: 166.
34. E.g., one widely reprinted tally first published just before the vote gave 76 votes to Washington, 53 to Adams, and 26 to Clinton. “Springfield, Jan. 24,” New-Hampshire Spy, Feb. 3, 1789, p. 119. Just after the balloting, another tally put the vote for the seven northern states at 49 for Washington, 45 for Adams, and 4 for Clinton. “It Is Said, “Massachusetts Centinel, Feb. 7, 1789, DHFFE, 4: 169.
35. “Extract of Another Letter,” Cumberland Gazette, Nov. 19, 1789, p. 3.
36. James Madison to George Washington, March 5, 1789, PGW, PS 1: 366.
37. “Augusta, February 7,” Columbia Herald, Feb. 26, 1789, p. 2.
38. “Philadelphia, February 14,” Pennsylvania Mercury, Feb. 14, 1789, p. 4.
39. Gouverneur Morris to George Washington, Feb. 23, 1789, PGW, PS 1: 338–39.
40. “Portland,” Cumberland Gazette, March 19, 1789, p. 3.
41. “From New York,” New-Hampshire Spy, March 24, 1789, p. 175.
42. George Washington to Richard Conway, March 6, 1789, PGW, PS 1: 368.
43. George Washington to George Augustine Washington, March 31, 1789, PGW, PS 1: 475.
44. George Washington to Tobias Lear, July 31, 1797, PGW, RS 4: 157.
45. In the only know exception to this rule, Washington remarked in his diary on June 30, 1785, that he had “dined with only Mrs. Washington, which I believe is the first instance of it since my retirement from public life.” GWD, June 30, 1785, 2: 386.
46. Washington to Washington, March 31, 1789, PGW, PS 1: 475. In this letter, Washington noted that “the event that I dreaded” (that is, becoming President) would save him from a necessity that he also dreaded (that is, living frugally).
47. George Washington to Richard Conway, March 4, 1789, PGW, PS 1: 361. Washington added, “Under this statement, I am inclined to do what I never expected to be reduced to the necessity of doing—that is, to borrow money at interest.”
48. George Washington to Charles Carter, Sept. 14, 1790, PGW, PS 6: 432.
49. Washington to Conway, March 6, 1789, PGW, PS 1: 368. This letter also mentioned the 6 percent interest rate, which it depicted as the “Maryland” rate. At the time, states typically capped interest rates on loans and Maryland allowed a higher rate than Virginia. In the letter, Washington offered to make the loan in Maryland rather than in Virginia, presumably to allow the higher interest rate.
50. George Washington to Henry Knox, April 1, 1789, PGW, PS 2: 2.
51. George Washington to James Madison, March 30, 1789, PGW, PS 1: 464.
52. Born Pierre Charles L’Enfant, the architect and engineer consistently used the name “Peter” after arriving in America from France in 1777. For all practical purposes, that served as his legal American name. For an exhaustive analysis of this name controversy, see Kenneth R. Bowling, Peter Charles L’Enfant: Vision, Honor, and Male Friendship in the Early American Republic (Washington, DC: George Washington University, 2002), 1, 64–66. For a reference to the old New York City Hall as a Gothic heap, see “On the Federal Building,” Daily Advertiser, March 19, 1789, p. 2 (praising the building’s new look).
53. “Arrangement,” Gazette of the United States, April 18, 1789, p. 11.
54. Richard Henry Lee to George Washington, April 6, 1789, PGW, PS 2: 29.
55. James Madison to George Washington, April 6, 1789, PGW, PS 2: 30.
56. “Address by Charles Thomson,” April 14, 1789, PGW, PS 2: 54–55. Thomson also delivered a formal letter from Senate President Pro Tem John Langdon informing Washington of the vote and expressing Langdon’s hope “that so auspicious a mark of public confidence will meet your approbation.” John Langdon to George Washington, April 6, 1789, PGW, PS 2: 29.
57. “Address to Charles Thomson,” April 14, 1789, PGW, PS 2: 56. Washington also gave Thomson a formal letter for Senate President Pro Tem John Langdon declaring his decision “to obey the important & flattering call of my Country.” George Washington to John Langdon, April 14, 1789, PGW, PS 2: 54.
58. With Washington’s diary for the trip lost, no record exists of the servants that accompanied this trip other th
an a letter from Tobias Lear noting that Washington’s longtime valet William Lee went along as far as Philadelphia, where he reinjured his knee and was forced to remain for medical treatment. Lear’s letter also suggests that Mount Vernon coachman Jacob Jacobus, an indentured servant, served as a driver. Tobias Lear to George Augustine Washington, May 3, 1789, DHFFC Project (copies supplied by DHFFC co-editor Kenneth R. Bowling). Typically, Washington would travel on such a journey with a rider on the front horse, a driver on an outside front seat, and a valet on an outside rear seat.
59. DGW, April 16, 1789, 5: 445.
60. “To George Washington, Esquire” and “His Excellency’s Answer,” Gazette of the United States, April 29, 1789, p. 24.
61. “Baltimore, April 21,” Pennsylvania Packet, April 28, 1789, p. 2.
62. “Address of the Citizens of Baltimore,” Federal Gazette, April 27, 1789, p. 2.
63. The ode carries the date and place of April 16, 1789, Bladensburg, Maryland, which was the nearest town to Spurrier’s Tavern, but it was first published in a Baltimore newspaper. “From the Maryland Journal,” Pennsylvania Packet, May 1, 1789, p. 3.
64. “Wilmington, April 25,” Pennsylvania Packet, April 28, 1789, p. 3.
65. Accounts differ on whether the wreath landed on Washington’s head or was suspended above it, though one contemporary article clearly states that the wreath fell “within a short distance of the Excellency’s head as he passed under it.” “Philadelphia, April 21,” Independent Gazetteer, April 21, 1789, p. 3. Peale family accounts have Washington brushing off the wreath but kissing Angelica. Flexner, George Washington, 175 (also states that that wreath “landed on his head”).
66. “Philadelphia, 20 April,” Federal Gazette, April 20, 1789, p. 2; “Philadelphia, April 29,” Freemans’s Journal, April 29, 1789, p. 3; “Philadelphia, 22 April,” New-York Daily Gazette, April 27, 1789, p. 410; William Spohn Baker, Washington After the Revolution (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1898), 124 (text of article from Pennsylvania Gazette).
67. “Philadelphia, 21 April,” Federal Gazette, April 21, 1789, p. 3. Morris was not at home for Washington’s 1789 visit because he had already taken his seat in the federal senate.
68. “Philadelphia, 22 April,” Federal Gazette, April 22, 1789, p. 3.
69. “Trenton, April 21, 1789,” Gazette of the United States, April 25, 1789, p. 19.
70. “Trenton,” New-York Daily Gazette, May 1, 1789, p. 426.
71. “A Sonata,” Federal Gazette, April 25, 1789, p. 3.
72. “Philadelphia, May 1,” Philadelphia Packet, May 1, 1789, p. 2. Following the serenade, Washington wrote a note of appreciation to the singers stating (in the third person) that the event “made such impressions on his remembrance, as, he assures them, will never be effaced.” George Washington to the Ladies of Trenton, April 21, 1789, PGW, PS 2: 108.
73. “New-Brunswick, April 7,” Pennsylvania Packet, April 13, 1789, p. 3.
74. “In our account,” New-York Packet, May 1, 1789, p. 3.
75. “Ode to be Sung on the Arrival of the President of the United States,” New-York Daily Gazette, April 23, 1789, p. 398. Several sources note that this song was sung by a mixed chorus on the boat.
76. Elias Boudinot to Hannah Boudinot, April 24, 1789, Clarence Winthrop Bowen, ed., The History of the Centennial Celebration of the Inauguration of George Washington (New York: Appleton, 1892), 29.
77. “New York, April 25,” Gazette of the United States, April 25, 1789, p. 15.
78. “Diary of William Maclay,” April 24, 1789, and May 8, 1789, DHFFC, 9: 4–5, 28–29; James H. Hutson, “John Adams’ Title Campaign,” New England Quarterly 41 (1968): 31–34. The text of Adams’s speech was not recorded. His proposed titles appear in private letters but at least one senator noted that Adams also suggested titles in the Senate. “Diary of Maclay,” May 8, 1789, p. 28. At the time, the Vice President, as presiding officer of the Senate, could both speak and propose motions in the Senate. The Senate revoked these privileges in part due to Adams’s extensive use of them. In a letter to Washington, Adams wrote about the presidency, “Neither Dignity, nor Authority, can be Supported in human Minds collection into nations or any great numbers without a Splendor and Majisty, in Some degree, proportioned to them.” John Adams to George Washington, May 17, 1789, PGW, PS 2: 314.
79. Annals of Congress, April 23, 1789, 1: 24 (Senate).
80. “Diary of Maclay,” April 24, 1789, p. 4.
81. “Diary of Maclay,” May 8, 1789, pp. 28–29.
82. Annals of Congress, April 25, 1789, 1: 25 (Senate).
83. “New-York, May 1,” New-York Daily Gazette, May 1, 1789, p. 426 (emphasis added). For the shift in venue, see Annals of Congress, April 27, 1789, 1: 25 (Senate).
84. Annals of Congress, April 29, 1789, 1: 241 (House).
85. E.g., R--- R--- to S---, May 1, 1789, “Notes and Queries,” Historical Magazine 3 (1859): 184 (“I caught his eye, and had the honor of a very gracious bow from him: this, from so great a man in so high a station, I thought myself highly honored”). This example comes from Washington’s time in New York.
86. Thomas Jefferson, The Anas, WTJ, 1: 279–80.
87. “Fragments,” 707. At this point, the address went on to observe, “Whenever a government is to be instituted or changed by Consent of the people, confidence in the person placed at the head of it, is, perhaps, more peculiarly necessary.”
88. Discussing the arrangement, see George Washington to David Stuart, July 26, 1789, PGW, PS 3: 322.
89. At the outset, New York chancellor Robert Livingston advised as much when Washington asked for his views on the etiquette proper for the President. That titles, formality, and restricted access are “not essentially necessary I infer from the unlimited respect which every rank of Citizen feels for our Excellency tho in your public life you indulged them in an easy access,” Livingston wrote to Washington. “Hereditary Monarchs must in the common course of things be frequently men of little abilities & often have great defects it is therefore necessary to surround them with guards & to dazel beholders with a false glare. Elective Magistrates are known before they are elected, their virtues are the cause of their elevation, the exposing these to [the] public can not tend to diminish the respect which they originally created.” Robert R. Livingston to George Washington, May 2, 1789, PGW, PS 2: 193–94.
90. James Madison referenced in Flexner, George Washington, 193.
91. DGW, April 23, 1789, 5: 447.
92. George Washington to Edward Rutledge, May 5, 1789, PGW, PS 2: 217.
93. John Adams to Benjamin Rush, March 19, 1812, in John A. Schultz and Douglas Adair, eds., The Spur of Fame: Dialogues of John Adams and Benjamin Rush, 1805–1813 (San Marino, CA: Huntington, 1966), 211–12. In a similar vein, Adams also commented on Washington’s popular style, “Virginian Geese are all Swans,” and appraised it as worth “five Talents.” John Adams to Benjamin Rush, Nov. 11, 1807, in Alexander Biddle, ed., Old Family Letters (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1892), 169.
94. Washington to Stuart, PGW, PS 3: 323.
95. About this dining arrangement, Lear wrote at the time, “We have engaged Black Sam Frances [sic] as Steward & superintendent of the Kitchen, and a very excellent fellow he is in that latter department—he tosses up such a number of fine dishes that we are distracted in our choice when we set down to table, and obliged to hold a long consultation upon the subject before we can determine what to attack.” Lear to Washington, May 3, 1789, DHFFE Project. Probably of mixed French and African descent, Samuel Fraunces, known as “Black Sam,” was born in the Caribbean and had moved to New York by 1755. He opened what became known as Fraunces Tavern in 1762. Washington held the farewell dinner with his officers at the tavern on December 4, 1783. Along with hiring Fraunces, during his first week in New York, Washington added two liveried footmen, a porter, and a maid to the staff he brought from Mount Vernon. Ultimately, Washington’s household staff in New York numbered about twenty and included a mix of paid
workers, slaves, and indentured servants.
96. Ibid., 322. Lear also discussed this crush of midday visitors in Lear to Washington, May 3, 1789, DHFFE Project (“We have no company to eat or drink with us—but hitherto there has been the greatest abundance from 9 a.m. to 3 p.m. to pay their etiquettical congee”).
97. The best direct evidence that Madison either drafted or assisted in drafting Washington’s first inaugural address appears in a May 4 letter from Washington asking Madison “to finish the good work” he had started by writing the President’s reply to the House response to the inaugural address. George Washington to James Madison, May 5, 1789, PGW, PS 2: 216. Madison had also written the House response, so he would be replying to his own response to his own address. Due to his dual role as House leader and key presidential advisor, the editors of the Madison Papers depict Madison as “in effect the ‘prime minister’” during this period and attribute Washington’s inaugural address to Madison. “Editorial Note,” PJM, 12: 120–21.
98. “Of To-Morrow,” Gazette of the United States, April 29, 1789, p. 19.
99. The description of Washington’s dress is compiled from contemporary newspaper articles and private letters. Experts believe that Washington wore a black, beaver-skin, bicorned hat, not a tricorne, and carried the dress sword now at Mount Vernon. In the end, Washington was dressed as elaborately as a Cossack riding into battle.
100. Washington Irving, Life of George Washington (New York: Putnam’s Sons, 1882), 581. Born in 1783 and then living on Pearl Street near Federal Hall, Irving was named for George Washington. When told that, Washington reportedly patted the youngster’s head. Contemporary accounts vary somewhat on the order of the procession, with some, for example, putting the heads of the departments in front of Washington and some noting that the diplomatic corps rode among the invited dignitaries. The order presented in the text appeared in many newspapers.
101. “Diary of Maclay,” April 30, 1789, pp. 11–12.
102. No precise estimate of the number of spectators survives. Some accounts refer to thousands; several local newspapers simply call it “an immense concourse of citizens.” E.g. “New-York, May 7,” New-York Journal, May 7, 1789, p. 3.
The Return of George Washington Page 39