by John Aubrey
In former Daies the Churches and great Howses hereabouts did so abound with Monuments and Things remarquable that it would have deterred an Antiquarie from undertakeing it, he said. But as Pythagoras did guesse at the vastnesse of Hercules Stature by the Length of his Foote, so amongst these Ruines are Remaines enough left for a Man to give a Guesse what noble Buildings &c. were made by the Piety, Charity and Magnanimity of our Forefathers.
And as in Prospects, wee are there pleased most Where something keepes the Eie from being lost And leaves us roome to guesse; So here the Eie and Mind is no lesse affected with these stately Ruines, then they would have been when standing and entire. They breed in generous Minds a Kind of Pittie: and sett the Thoughts a-worke to make out their Magnifice as they were when in Perfection. But it was not only in buildings that Aubrey was interested, although he was so learned in architectural history: the countryside through which he wandered in search of his material entranced him quite as much. This is a very noble seate, he says of Down Ampney House, and situated with great convenience for pleasure and profitt. By this house runnes a fine brooke, which waters these gallant meadowes on the west sides, where depasture a great number of cattle:—30 milk-mayds singing. And as he rode through Garesdon, he could not help recalling that one Mody was a foote-man to King Henry the eighth who, falling from his horse as he was hawkeing (I think on Harneslow-heath) fell with his head in to mudde, with which, being fatt and heavie, he had been suffocated to death had he not been timely relieved by his footman Mody, for which service, after the dissolution of the Abbies, he gave him the manour of Garesdon. After a regretful sigh at the easy preferment of the past, Aubrey’s attention was distracted by a whip in a coat of arms, and the story he ferreted out was that the Issue male of this Family being all extinct, except a brother who was a White-fryer, the Pope granted a Dispensation of his Vowes, and that he should quitt his Convent and marry to continue the name of the Family: which accordingly he did: and in such cases, the Brother that so departs, is to runne the Gauntlet as the Soldiers doe it, that is, all the fryers putt them selves into two rankes, having every one a Paenitentiall whip in his hand, and the dispensed fryer runnes through, every one giving him a lash.
In the autumn of 1659, Aubrey was once again in London and was taking part in the debates at James Harrington’s club, the Rota, where the principles of Republican government were debated and rotation by balloting was advocated as the cure of all its ills. The Doctrine was very taking, Aubrey admitted, and the more because, as to human foresight, there was no possibility of the King’s returne. It must be remembered that the prime of Aubrey’s youth and early manhood had coincided with the period of the Commonwealth and it seems clear from the vehemence of his defence of Milton’s politics, that he had himself become a theoretical Republican. Whatever he wrote against Monarchic, Aubrey said, was out of no animosity to the King’s person, or owt of any faction or interest, but out of a pure Zeale to the Liberty of Mankind, which he thought would be greater under a fre state than under a Monarchiall goverment. His being so conversant in Livy and the Roman authors, and the greatness he saw donne by the Roman commonwealth, and the vertue of their great Commanders induc’t him to. And there could be no doubt that the prestige of England had increased under the Protectorate. Then too Aubrey had mixed constantly with the leaders of the Republic: I heard Oliver Cromwell Protector tell the Lord Arundell of Wardour at Dinner at Hampton-Court 1657, that He had been in all the Counties of England, and that the Devonshire Husbandry was the best. His membership of the Rota was, therefore, merely the logical outcome of his Republican leanings, but in February 1660, upon the unexpected turne upon Generall Monke’s comeing-in, all these aerie modells vanished, and Aubrey was soon on the other side, involved in the thick of the negotiations for the restoration of the King. Thomas Mariett, who every day was tampering with George Monk, stayed with Aubrey during the parleying, and once again Aubrey’s laziness caused him regret. Every night late, he said, I had an account of all these Transactions in bed, which like a Sott as I was, I did not, while fresh in Memorie, committ to writing. But he did find time to inform Thomas Hobbes of what was in the wind and to advise him to come to London at once, so as to redintegrate his favour with his Majesty, as soon as the King arrived.
Aubrey grew quite lyrical over the King’s restoration, when it was accomplished, and it was left to Anthony Wood to see the ugly side of the business. The divines hurriedly putting on “the most prelaticall garbe that could be” did not escape his jaundiced eye and he watched with scorn while those “that bore the faces of demure Saints, would now and then put out a wanton (in plaine terms, a baudy) expression, and, as occasion served, a pretty little Oath.” But even he had to admit that “after the King came in I never heard of any that were troubled in conscience or that hung himself, as in Oliver’s time, when nothing but praying and preaching was used.” For there was no doubt that life under the Commonwealth had been an appalling strain; and Aubrey says in his life of Wenceslas Hollar, I remember he told me that when he first came into England (which was a serene time of Peace) that the people, both poore and rich, did looke cheerfully, but at his return, he found the Countenances of the people all changed, melancholy, spightfull, as if bewitched.
When the excitements of the King’s homecoming had begun to pall, Aubrey accompanied A. Ettrick into Ireland for a moneth; and returning were like to be ship-wrackt at Holyhead, but no hurt donne. Despite this narrow escape, Aubrey came back from his holiday refreshed in spirit and bubbling over with ideas for work—for other people to carry out. From N. Wales I went into Ireland, he wrote to Thomas Hobbes, where I saw the manner of living of the natives, scorning industry and luxury, contenting themselves only with things necessary. That kingdom is in a very great distemper, and bath need of your advice to settle it; the animosities between the English and the Irish are very great, and will ere long, I am confident, break into war. Your brother I heare is well, whom I intend to see on Monday next, and shall with him sacrifice to your health in a glasse of sack.
But Hobbes would not rise to this bait, although on another occasion Aubrey was more successful. It was I.A., he says proudly, that did putt Mr. Hobbes upon writing his Treatise De Legibus, which is bound up with his Rbetorique that one cannot find it but by chance; no mention of it in the first Title. Aubrey had learnt from his previous failure that a direct suggestion was not of much avail, and so this time he used a more roundabout way to achieve his desire. In 1644 I sayd to him; Me thinkes ’tis pitty that you that have such a cleare reason and working head did never take into consideration the learning of the Lawes; and I endeavoured to perswade him to it. To which he was unwilling, telling me that ’twas a long, taedious, and difficult taske and he doubted he should not have dayes enough to left to doe it. Now all men will give the old Gent that right as to acknowledge he is rare for Definitions, and the Lawyers building on old-fashioned Maximes (some right, some wrong) must need fall into severall Paralogismes, for grand practisers have not the leisure to be analytiques. Upon this consideration I was earnest with him to consider these things. I then presented him the Lord Chancellor Bacon’s Elements of the Lawe (a thin quarto) in order thereunto and to drawe him on; which he was pleased to accept, and perused; and the next time I came to him he showed me therein two cleare Paralogismes in the 2nd page (one, I well remember, was in page 2) which I am heartily sorry are now out of my remembrance. I desponded, for his reasons, that he should make any further attempt towards this Designe; but afterwards, it seemes, in the Countrey he writt his Treatise De Legibus. He drives on, in this, the King’s Prerogative high, fudge Hales, who is no great Courtier, has read it and much mislikes it, and is his enemy, fudge Vaughan has perused it and very much commends it, but is afraid to license it for feare of giving displeasure. Which explains very well the lack of any mention on the title page.
Although none of Aubrey’s works had yet been published, they had circulated widely amongst his friends and, founded upon the good w
ord of Izaak Walton and Sir Thomas Browne, of Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, of Isaac Newton, Edmund Halley, Robert Boyle and Christopher Wren, of Samuel Butler and John Dryden, David Loggan and Nicholas Mercator, Wenceslas Hollar, Sir William Davenant, Edmund Waller, Andrew Marvell, John Evelyn and Sir William Dugdale, Aubrey’s reputation as an antiquary was so well established by 1662, that he was nominated as one of the Original Fellows of the Royal Society, an honour of which he was justifiably proud.
The ninety-eight Original Fellows were chosen rather for their interest in science, than for their skill as scientists, and they included many of Aubrey’s closest friends; there were poets like Denham and Dryden and Waller, Evelyn the diarist, Ashmole of Museum fame, Glisson the doctor, Christopher Wren the architect, as well as scientists proper like Hooke and Robert Boyle. Bishops, soldiers and courtiers made up the number, and fourteen peers, including the Duke of Buckingham and the Marquess of Dorchester, were also members: while to complete the roll, King Charles II “was pleased to offer himselfe to be entered one of the Society.”
The Royal Society “for the promoting of Physico-Mathematicall-Experimentall Learning” had developed from that small Philosophical Clubbe at Oxford, which has been mentioned before and which had been transferred to London about 1658. They mett, says Aubrey, at the Bull-head Taverne in Cheapside, till it grew to big for a Clubb. The first beginning of the Royal Society (where they putt discourse in paper and brought it to use) was in the Chamber of William Ball, Esqr., eldest son of Sir Peter Ball of Devon, in the Middle Temple. They had meetings at Taverns before, but ’twas here where it formally and in good earnest sett up: and so they came to Gresham Colledge parlour.
The importance of this foundation cannot be over-emphasised. For the specialist was not yet born, and in the childhood of science it was still possible, as Aubrey has shown in his Naturall Historie of Wiltshire, to produce a new intellectual value without having to acquire skill and without troubling to acquaint oneself with a great deal of accumulated knowledge. I have heard Sr Will Davenant say, Aubrey noted, that Witt did seem to be the easiest thing in the World, for when it is delivered, it appeares so naturall, that every one thinks he could have sayd the same: this of his. may also be applied to Inventions and Discoveries.
The existing body of knowledge about trade and the sciences was so small in the seventeenth century that some of their discoveries do seem childishly simple. Sir Paul Neale sayd, that in the Bishoprick of Durham is a Coalery, which by reason of the dampes ther did so frequently kill the Workemen (sometimes three or four in a Moneth) that he could make little or nothing out of it. It happened one time, that the workemen being merry with drink fell to play with fire-brands, and to throwe live-coales at one another by the head of the Pitt, where they usually have fires. It fortuned that a fire-brand fell into the bottome of the Pitt: where at there proceeded such a noise as if it had been a Gun: they likeing the Sport, threw down more fire-brands and there followed the like noise, for severall times, and at length it ceased. They went to work after, and were free from Damps, so having by good chance found out this Experiment, they doe now every morning throwdown some Coales, and they work as securely as in any other Mines. But these improvements were not always accidental: Before I leave this Towne, Aubrey wrote of his friend Robert Hooke, I will gett of him a catalogue of what he hath wrote; and as much of his Inventions as I can. But they are many hundreds; he believes not fewer than a thousand. Nor were his other friends less ingenious: ruled copy books, mathematical symbols, even drogues (Memorandum Dr. Wilkins his notion of an Umbrella-like invention for retarding a ship when shee drives in a storme), were invented by Aubrey’s immediate circle, but perhaps the most fruitful suggestion of all was made by Sir Edward Ford, who writt no Books, but two or three Pamphletts of a sheet or so. One was an ingeniose proposall of a publique Banke, as I remember, for the easy raysing of money and to avoyd the griping Usurers and to promote trade. Aubrey himself was not behindhand in these matters: Let a Ginne bee invented, he said, to shatter out Come by jogging in stead of soweing or settings the one being too wastfull, the other too troublesome and taking up too much time: and that the soweing and harroweing may bee but one and the same labour: and besides this invention, he was working out a phonetic alphabet with Andrew Paschall (which some persons looke upon as a Whim wham: but if it be so, the learned Verstergen was also liable to that severe censure); and was also engaged in experiments with Francis Potter to cure diseases, etc. by Transfusion of Bloud out of one man into another.
Under these conditions, the Royal Society, with its regular Wednesday meetings, for the first time systematised scientific learning by allowing for the free interchange of ideas and the comparing of research, and this was all that was needed to produce the modern world. For, as H. G. Wells has said: “The main difference of modern scientific research from that of the Middle Ages, the secret of its immense successes, lies in its collective character, in the fact that every fruitful experiment is published, every new discovery of relationship explained.”
A few months after the incorporation of the Royal Society, Aubrey says, King Charles lid discoursing one morning with my Lord Brouncker and Dr. Charleton concerning Stoneheng, they told his Majestie, what they had heard me say concerning Aubury, sc. that it did as much excell of Stoneheng as a Cathedral does a Parish Church. His Majestie admired that none of our Chorographers had taken notice of it: and commanded Dr. Charleton to bring me to him the next morning. I brought with me a draught of it donne by memorie only: but well enough resembling it, with which his Majestie was pleased: gave me his hand to kisse, and commanded me to waite on him at Marleborough, when he went to Bath with the Queen (which was about a fortnight after) which I did: and the next day, when the Court were on their Journey, his Majestie left the Queen and diverted to Aubury, where I shewed him that stupendous Antiquity, with a view whereof, He and his Royal Highness the Duke of Yorke were very well pleased. His Majestie then commanded me to write a Description of it, and present it to him: and the Duke of Yorke commanded me to give an account of the Old Camps and Barrows on the Plaines.
As his Majestie departed from Aubury to overtake the Queen he cast his eie on Silbury-hill, about a mile off: which he had the curiosity to see, and walkt up to the top of it, with the Duke of Yorke, Dr. Charleton and I attending them, Aubrey continued proudly, and later he added this note, which reflects on the oddly public life of Royalty in those days. When I had the honour to waite on King Charles and the Duke of Yorke to the top of Silbury-hill, his Royal Highnesse happened to cast his Eye on some of these small Snailes, not much bigger, or no bigger than small Pinnes-heads, on the Turfe of the Hill. He was surprised with the novelty; and commanded me to pick some up; which I did about a dozen or more, immediately; for they are in great abundance. The next Morning as he was abed with his Dutches at Bath, He told her of it: and sent Dr. Charleton to me for them to shew Her as a Rarity.
In September following (1663) I survey’d that old Monument of Aubury with a plaine table, and afterwards tooke a Review of Stonehenge, and then, I composed this following Discourse in obedience to his Majesties command: and presented it to Him: which he commanded me to put in print. This last command Aubrey ignored, despite the fact that his book was dedicated to King Charles by His Majestie’s most loyale and obedient Subject John Aubrey. The thoroughness with which he had carried out the survey is proved by the fact that his plan of Stonehenge shows certain depressions in the ground which have since disappeared: His Majestie commanded me to digge at the bottom of the stones marked with the fig. 1, to try if I could find any human bones, he said, but I did not doe it. Because of his plan, these depressions, which are now known as “Aubrey Holes,” were excavated and located in 1921, and sure enough they were found to contain cremated remains, possibly of human sacrifices.
There have been several Books writt by learned men concerning Stoneheng, he continued, much differing from one another, some affirming one thing, some another. Now I come in the Rear
of all by comparative Arguments to give a clear evidence these monuments were Pagan Temples; which was not made-out before: and have also, with humble submission to better judgements, offered a probability, that they were Temples of the Druids.
When a traveller rides along by the Ruines of a Monastery, Aubrey says, he knows by the manner of building, sc., Chapell, Cloysters, &c., that it was a Convent, but of what Order, sc., Benedictine, Dominican, &c., it was, he cannot tell by the bare View. So it is clear that all the Monuments, which I have here recounted were Temples. Now my presumption is, That the Druids being the most eminent Priests, or Order of Priests, among the Britaines; ’tis odds, but that these ancient monuments, sc. Aubury, Stonehenge, Kerrig, Druidd &c., were Temples of the Priests of the most eminent Order, viz. Druids, and it is strongly to be presumed that Aubury, Stonehenge, &c., are as ancient as those times. This Inquiry, I must confess, is a gropeing in the Dark; but although I have not brought it into a clear light; yet I can affirm that I have brought it from an utter darkness to a thin mist, and have gonne further in this Essay than any one before me. These Antiquities are so exceeding old that no Bookes doe reach them, so that there is no Way to retrive them but by comparative antiquitie, which I have writt upon the spott, from the Monuments themselves. Historia quoquo modo scripta, bona est [In whatever way history is written, it is good]; and though this be writt, as I rode, a gallop; yet the novelty of it, and the faithfulness of the delivery, may make some amends for the uncorrectness of the Stile. The first draught, he concludes, was worn out with time and handling; and now, methinkes, after many years lying dormant, I come abroad like the Ghost of one of these Druids. He felt sufficiently human, nonetheless, to preface the work with A digression to obviate the scornfull smile, for he was convinced that people would assume that he was interested in this monument only because it bore the same name as himself.