Despite this, my issue with many of the SIV applicants had little to do with their financial planning skills. My primary issue was this: when I asked them what they planned to do for a job once they moved to the U.S., a majority of them told me they planned to seek employment as an interpreter, with one of the many defense contracting companies. These jobs paid handsomely, even by U.S. standard. And, where in the world would this job land them? Back in Afghanistan!! Suddenly, their home country was not so dangerous. And yet, in a previous part of the interview, these guys told me how risky it was for them to remain in Afghanistan and that they badly needed a visa to escape the insurgency. But, here they were, willing to return to the same war-torn country they were trying to escape to do the same job they were doing at that time. The reasoning held little water with me. They were too cowardly to remain in their home country and fight for their freedom, but if you dangled dollar signs in front of them, the level of bravery suddenly increased.
There are few jobs that I know of, situated in the U.S., that seek an Afghan citizen who can speak, at best, high school-level English. The demand for these jobs is in Afghanistan, assisting U.S. forces there. Not to mention, the pay for an interpreter, who has U.S. citizenship, is approximately two hundred times that of an interpreter who continues to live in Afghanistan and retain his Afghan citizenship. So, the incentive is high for these folks to seek a visa and return to their home country as an interpreter. As an aside, in theory, the testing for interpreters recruited out of the U.S. is more stringent than those recruited from the local Afghan population. In my view, if a foreigner wished to be granted a visa to the U.S., they ought to plan on being a full-time U.S. citizen and contributing member of society, within our country. I am not diminishing the value of Afghan speakers who assist our military forces on the battlefield. However, local Afghans can do this job, without a visa to the U.S. No, they will not make an absurd amount of money, but they will make plenty for them and their families, to live comfortably on. Most of the local interpreters I knew owned a vehicle, a laptop, and name brand clothing. Every one of them owned a cell phone, some even multiple phones. So, I knew they were not struggling financially.
In addition to several interpreters, I also interviewed radio show hosts, doctors and college professors, all who were in search of a visa to the U.S. All of these men were highly educated, according to both Afghan and American standards. Each one could have made great strides amongst their local communities, educating and helping others, if they remained in the country. I believe many of them had the potential to personally influence the future of the country, possibly by establishing medical training programs, influencing radio and television broadcasting, engaging in politics and so on. But, none of them had any desire to remain in their homeland and assist with the future of the country. All of them felt their ticket to the easy life involved living in America.
I felt there was a major misconception amongst most of these visa applicants that life would suddenly be calm and stress-free once they touched down in the U.S. Few concerned themselves with where they might live, how they might find transportation or how to find a job. As expected, many wanted to take their family members with them. In some cases, this could add up to a dozen or more people. And yet, none had done any research on housing or the cost of living, in general. When I asked difficult questions about these topics, many shrugged and told me they would “figure it out” when they arrived in the U.S. Based on the fact that our welfare system was overloaded (with U.S. citizens) and our economy was going through a difficult period, this attitude was not reassuring. It was clear most did not understand the challenges of finding gainful employment in the U.S. by many American citizens, let alone for a foreign national.
I found the ongoing theme of futility puzzling, especially after researching the basic tenets of Islam. The religion, overall, preaches honor, courage and commitment. But, as with other many aspects of Islam, it seemed its followers followed these tenets primarily when it was convenient for them.
In Afghanistan, the concept of not taking blame for one’s actions manifests itself in a very strange manner with respect to certain dealings with insurgents, kidnappers and criminals. When someone fitting one of these descriptions makes a threat against an innocent civilian it is very common for the insurgent/criminal to say “If something happens, do not complain.” Or, “If something happens, do not blame me.”
I heard many cases, from the local Afghan men I knew, of one of their family members being kidnapped. Inevitably, a ransom letter or phone call was made to the victim’s family. During the conversation, the kidnapper would generally ask for money, in exchange for the family member. Nearly always, before hanging up (or concluding the ransom note), the kidnapper would tell the recipient “not to complain” if they did not pay the money and their family member was killed. By saying this, the kidnapper removed the blame and responsibility from himself, for the victim’s welfare. Although this rationale probably makes no sense to Westerners, the logic flows with the way the Pashtun mind thinks.
In reflecting upon the Afghan war overall, I find a theme of futility running throughout. Not only do the Afghan citizens appear resigned to a future of uncertainty, corruption and possible insurgent rule, but many other foreign partners do as well. A majority of U.S. soldiers I spoke with felt their daily missions were in vain and that no progress was being made in Afghanistan. In fact, many referenced what they dubbed “backwards progress”, citing the continued destruction of infrastructure, government personnel and facilities, as well as, schools and hospitals. Most surmised that the future posed a very bleak outlook if the country could not even maintain the physical reconstruction efforts. This led me to wonder how we could expect the Afghans to be brave and be personally interested in the future of their country, if their foreign supporters could not convey such an attitude.
Despite the negative point of view, most American soldiers I knew enjoyed their jobs and felt rewarded when they could make even small differences in the local Afghan communities. Of course, they all missed their friends and families dearly, but they also wanted local Afghans to understand the unifying concepts of comradery, pride and patriotism. I believe many felt a stable Afghan government was probably out of the question, but it never stopped them from doing their best to assist the local population, even with the smallest of tasks. Although their overall mission may have been perceived as an act of futility, they were still aware that they were making positive changes on a personal level.
POLITICS
Politics, in general, are not a strong point of mine. I make attempts to stay informed about political candidates and the current dynamics within our government. But, I must admit, I find it tedious and less than interesting to deeply involve myself in political research. That being said, I did find it helpful to stay abreast of current affairs within the Afghan government during my time in their country. My husband jokes with me, saying I know more about their government than our own here in the U.S. This is probably a slight exaggeration but likely not far from the truth. Indeed, I often found it fascinating to talk with local Afghans about current events and the state of their government.
The current Afghan government was established in 2002 with the interim appointment of Hamid Karzai as President. He won countrywide elections in both 2004 and in 2009. Presidential terms in Afghanistan run for five years and a president may serve two terms, for a total of ten years in office. President Karzai is from a Pashtun tribe and his family is intimately familiar with politics. His father and grandfather both served as members of previous governments, as the Deputy Speaker of the Parliament and the Deputy Speaker of the Senate, respectively.
During the Russian invasion of Afghanistan in the 1980’s, Karzai operated as a fundraiser for the Mujahedeen (opponents of the Russians) and reportedly provided information to the CIA, although I was never able to officially verify that fact. During this time, he lived in Pakistan, ostensibly because it provided a safer environment away
from the battlefield. Following the departure of Soviet troops, Karzai returned to Afghanistan and eventually served as the Deputy Foreign Minister, under the government of Burhanuddin Rabbani beginning in 1992. (Sadly, Rabbani was assassinated by a suicide bomber in 2011 while attending a meeting with Taliban leaders to discuss a ceasefire with the insurgent group.) Interestingly, while working as the Deputy Prime Minister in the early 1990’s, Karzai was accused of being a spy for Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the long-standing leader of Hezb-e Islami, an insurgent group which still exists to this day. The allegations remained unfounded and Karzai was never convicted of any wrongdoing. Hekmatyar is currently being sought by Afghan and American forces for his group’s involvement in numerous attacks against Coalition Forces in Afghanistan.
Following his father’s assassination, purportedly by Taliban members in 1999, Karzai began working with the Northern Alliance, then ruled by Ahmad Shah Massoud. When NATO forces arrived in Afghanistan in late 2001, Karzai was regarded as an influential ally of both groups. After the Taliban government was overthrown in 2001, Karzai led groups of Afghan fighters and fought alongside American Special Forces. His leadership and guidance helped him gain notoriety and, eventually, the top spot as the first democratic leader in the Afghan government.
Asking one’s opinion regarding political views is somewhat taboo in the United States. In Afghanistan, this is not so. Most Afghans are very willing to talk about politics, however few have anything substantial or worthwhile to say. I asked nearly everyone I interviewed about their views on the current political situation in Afghanistan. The standard answer I received was that President Karzai, and his government, were doing very well. In many cases, this short exchange was the extent of the conversation. From my experience, Afghans are afraid of possible repercussions for badmouthing their own government. This fear of providing an honest opinion appears to stem from the oppression imposed on the population during the Taliban regime. Throughout the Taliban rule, it was prudent to keep one’s opinions to themselves and it appears, even today, many Afghans are truly unwilling to think for themselves. If a citizen was overheard speaking negatively about The Taliban, it could quite easily cost them their life, at the hands of merciless Taliban members. Currently, Afghans are learning to be more open and liberal, but still have a long way to go.
After receiving the customary answer that the government was performing superbly, I generally asked the person how they arrived at this conclusion. They often cited the construction of schools and clinics, solar panels and paved roads as signs of progress. Mind you, the majority of this infrastructure was paid for and coordinated by the United States and other NATO countries. Most were built by U.S. and other Coalition Forces, not the Afghan government, and not the Afghan citizens. The typical Afghan citizen did not realize this however. Most were under the impression that their own government had planned, funded and overseen these projects. None ever stopped to think about how their government had miraculously come up with the billions of dollars necessary to complete these developments.
As much as I tried to be optimistic, it was hard to hold the Afghan government in a favorable light. It puzzled me as to how their government could sit by, ten years after the start of the war, and still contribute almost nothing, monetarily and logistically, to the reconstruction of their own country. There were no industries, factories or widespread infrastructure. We, the United States, were still paying the salaries of their military and police, as well as, providing all the necessary equipment for them.
And yet, Afghanistan is rich in natural resources, including oil, gold, iron, lithium, and rare-earth gemstones. These are commodities that could easily help to fund the government. I recognize that hostilities in parts of the country are still so elevated, that it might not be prudent for the establishment of large corporations or factories in these areas. However, the northern part of Afghanistan is quite peaceful and I often wonder why the government has not helped fund projects and factories that would create jobs for citizens and provide revenue for the economy. It appeared to me, at least, that the Afghan government was perfectly content to sit by and let other countries continue to support them. Yet, in reading the Afghan Constitution, Article Thirteen states “The state shall design and implement effective programs for developing industries, expanding production as well as protecting activities of craftsmen to raise the standard of living of the people.” In the Eastern part of the country, I saw no evidence of the implementation of this constitutional Article.
Very few Afghans I spoke with were able to talk intelligently about their government. Some were so uncaring and closed off from news reporting that their ignorance filled the room. I cannot count how many times I asked someone how they felt about their current government and their response was “How would I know?” It seemed most Pashtun-Afghans, if not intimately involved in the political process, had no desire to learn about even the most basic facts. I remember asking one man who the President of Afghanistan was. His reply was “I don’t know.” As I pointed out at the beginning of this chapter, I am not the most politically-minded person; however I cannot fathom the thought of not knowing who was running my country.
Another local Afghan left me totally confused, initially stating he had no idea who the President of his country was. So, I asked him “Who is Hamid Karzai?” He responded, “He is the President of Afghanistan.” I simply shook my head, not knowing how to interpret that circular lack of knowledge. Over time, it became refreshing to at least hear the local men’s excitement and observations of the new building and roads being built (albeit by the U.S. and NATO governments), than a total lack of awareness of even their country’s highest-ranking government official.
Having the freedom to vote for political candidates is a new concept to the Afghan citizens. Terms such as independence, democracy and justice are not well-understood nor were afforded to them previously. The Afghan population was dictated what to do, in every aspect of their life for decades. In addition, personal survival through several wars was more important to most citizens than who was running the country. Even now, a significant portion of the population is still in survival mode. The Taliban are flourishing again and regaining control of certain areas. Undoubtedly, those who live in these regions are more concerned about their own safety, than who is running in the next election and it is easy to sympathize with their priorities.
During one interview session, I found myself privy to another man’s irrational logic. I asked him what he thought the Afghan government was doing well for their country. He responded to the question by stating “Keeping foreign fighters out of our country.” This was the first time I had heard this reply and I was intrigued as to why this particular response came to his mind first. I never got an adequate answer. As our conversation progressed, we touched on the topic of The Taliban and other insurgent groups. He explained to me how these groups had ruined his country in the past and were still doing so, by launching attacks against government workers, military members and innocent civilians. Recalling his comment from earlier, I asked him where he thought all these insurgent fighters originated from. He was adamant that “They all come from Pakistan and other countries.” Here was yet another example of contradictory reasoning. I wondered, then, why he felt his government was doing well at keeping out the “foreign fighters” who were still ruining the country. I decided the debate probably was not worth my time and moved on.
It appeared clear to me that a large percentage of Afghan citizens had no idea what the concept of a national Constitution means or represents. Even fewer have likely read the Afghan Constitution or have any idea what is contained in its pages. In conducting research for this book, I read their Constitution thoroughly and found myself dumbfounded at some of the laws ratified by President Karzai. Despite my shock, I imagine many countries, that combine religion with politics, have similar laws. However, to someone like me, who grew up in a democratic country, with freedom of religion, the Afghan Constitution was truly eye-open
ing.
In Afghanistan, there is clearly no division between church and state. Politically, both are intertwined as tightly as the silk threads in a Persian rug. The very first line of the first section of the Constitution states “We the People of Afghanistan…adhering to the Holy religion of Islam...” [2] Unlike the opening to our own Constitution, which professes to establish justice and insure domestic tranquility, the Afghan Constitution opens with statements about Allah, Islam and paying tribute to the country’s previous martyrs. Article Three specifies that “No law shall contravene the tenets and provisions of the holy religion of Islam in Afghanistan”. [2] Furthermore, Article Seventeen states that necessary measures will be taken to maintain mosques, religious schools and religious centers. Each President must swear, during his Presidential Oath, to follow and obey Islam, prior to taking office.
Interestingly, the Afghan constitution appears to call for a justice system similar to ours in the U.S. Several Articles of the Constitution demand due process, appointment of a defense attorney to all defendants and adherence to the concept of “innocent until proven guilty”. Although I never personally sat in an Afghan courtroom, the second-hand information I was privy to suggested none of these provisions were followed on a regular basis. By all appearances, money rules their justice system. Those who can afford to do so can often pay for their release from detention and/or dismissal of charges, allowing them to avoid any jail time.
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