317. Alliluyeva, Twenty Letters, 31; and Gregory, Politics, Murder, and Love, 16–8; Young, “Bolshevik Wives.”
318. The draft program had not been discussed by any party other than the Soviet one; no less tellingly, the theses that would be voted up had not even been available when the congress opened. Eudin and Slusser, Soviet Foreign Policy, I: 106–20; Carr and Davies, Foundations of a Planned Economy, III/i: 193–222.
319. Firsov, “N. I. Bukharin v Kominterne,” 189–90; International Press Correspondence, August 23, 1928: 941.
320. International Press Correspondence, September 4, 1928: 1,039.
321. The British delegation issued a declaration (August 22, 1928) against the so-called right-wing deviation: “We wish to express our emphatic protest against the time and method of polemics introduced by Comrade Kuusinen and certain other comrades,” especially “the method of hurrying to tie labels on comrades who hold different opinions.” International Press Correspondence, December 27, 1928: 1,743–4; McDermott and Agnew, Comintern, 233–4.
322. Molotov turned over no letters from Stalin for that year. Lih, Stalin’s Letters to Molotov, xiv. Stalin’s last recorded meeting in Moscow was August 1 (Jay Lovestone, the American Communist); his first recorded meeting back in Moscow was October 5, 1928 (Fadeyev, the writer). Na prieme, 28, 774, 780–1.
323. Valedinskii, “Organizm Stalina vpolne zdorovyi,” 68–73.
324. Danilov, Kak lomali NEP, IV: 689; Trotskii, Moia zhizn’, II: 111.
325. Khlevniuk, Politbiuro, 22 (no citation or date given).
326. Dohan, “Foreign Trade,” 223.
327. Danilov, Kak lomali NEP, III: 591–3 (at 592: RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 765, l. 48–49ob).
328. Vernadskii, Dnevniki, 76, 87. V. G. Yakovenko, chairman of the land and election commission under Kalinin at the Soviet executive committee, following a trip to actual Siberian villages in June–August 1928, wrote to Stalin on October 3, 1928, that “farmers are decidedly of the opinion that Soviet power does not want them to live decently.” Izvestiia TsK KPSS, 1991, no. 7: 186–90.
329. Pribytkov, Apparat, 87–90 (with facsimile from Mikoyan’s archive). Stalin ended the letter by inquiring about Orjonikidze’s health.
330. Pribytkov, Apparat, 100 (with facsimile: 98–9).
331. Kvashonkin, Sovetskoe rukovidstvo, 44–8 (RGASPI, f. 669, op. 1, d. 30, l. 124–9).
332. Danilov, Kak lomali NEP, III: 591–3 (at 592–3: RGASPI, f. 558, op. 11, d. 765, l. 48–49ob).
333. Tauger, “Grain Crisis or Famine?,” 167 (citing Visty, September 27, 1928: 2).
334. International Press Correspondence, October 19, 1928: 1337–8, October 26, 1928: 1383, in Daniels, Documentary History of Communism [1993], I: 164–6.
335. Daniels, Documentary History of Communism [1993], I: 166–9. See also Cohen, Bukharin, 295–6.
336. Danilov, Kak lomali NEP, III: 12.
337. Vaganov, Pravyi uklon v VKP (b), 161–3, 174–5.
338. Pribytkov, Apparat, 108.
339. Danilov, “Vvedenie,” in Danilov, Tragediia sovetskoi derevni, I: 59. See also Carr and Davies, Foundations of a Planned Economy, I/i: 237.
340. Izvestiia, February 7, February 19, and February 22, 1929.
341. Bukharin, Problemy teorii i praktiki sotsializma, 306–7 (April 18, 1929).
342. Kvashonkin, Sovetskoe rukovodstvo, 58–9 (RGASPI, f. 669, op. 1, d. 30, l. 133–42).
343. Danilov, Kak lomali NEP, III: 16 (RGASPI, f. 17, op. 2, d. 417, l. 125).
CODA: IF STALIN HAD DIED
1. Viola, Peasant Rebels, 238; Danilov, Tragediia sovetskoi derevni, II: 787–808 (TsA FSB, f. 2, op. 8, d. 679, l. 36–72: March 15, 1931).
2. Nove, The Soviet Economy, 186. Courtois, Black Book of Communism, 167–8.
3. Kravchenko, I Chose Freedom, 67.
4. Alec Nove, “Was Stalin Really Necessary?” 86–92, reprinted in Nove, Was Stalin Really Necessary?, 17–39, and review of Nove’s book by Gregory Grossman, Europe-Asia Studies, 17/2 (1965): 256–60; von Laue, Why Lenin?; Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes. See also Kotkin, “Left Behind.”
5. Nove, “The Peasants, Collectivization, and Mr. Carr”; Lih, “Bukharin’s ‘Illusion.’”
6. Davis, Economic Transformation, 11–13.
7. Cohen, “The 1927 Revaluation of the Lira.”
8. Sloin and Sanchez-Sibony, “Economy and Power in the Soviet Union.” This is based upon a reading of Dohan, “Soviet Foreign Trade in the NEP Economy”; Dohan, “The Economic Origins of Soviet Autarky.”
9. Analyses of Soviet debates are cogent, except on the issue of ideological narrowness: Ehrlich, The Soviet Industrialization Debate; Lewin, Political Undercurrents.
10. Ustrialov, Pod zankom revoliutsii; Bukharin, Tsezarizm pod maskoi revoliutsii.
11. Sakharov, Politcheskoe zaveshchanie, 645.
12. Bukharin, Izbrannye proizvedeniia, 146–230 (at 196–7). See also Siegelbaum, Soviet State and Society, 228.
13. Bukharin, “O novoi ekonomichheskoi politike,” 3–15.
14. Manning, “The Rise and Fall of ‘the Extraordinary Measures,’” 15 (citing GARF, f. 374, op. 217, d. 1556, l. 22–8).
15. Brovkin, Russia After Lenin, 168. On Bukharin’s downplaying of the kulaks, see Cohen, Bukharin, 187–92.
16. Davies, Socialist Offensive, 27.
17. Liberman, Building Lenin’s Russia, 65–8.
18. Carr and Davies, Foundations of a Planned Economy, I/ii: 733–5. R. W. Davies, who wrote the best analysis of the New Economic Policy and its dilemmas, maintained that the NEP was doomed by the Soviet industrialization program. That may or may not be true. But what drove the industrialization program, and indeed everything pushed by Bolshevism, was the commitment to socialism (anti-capitalism). It was ideology. Davies, Socialist Offensive, 36–7. See also Carr, Socialism in One Country, I: 520.
19. Johnson and Temin, “The Macroeconomics of NEP”; Chaudhry, “The Myths of the Market.”
20. Sokol’nikov, Finansovaia politika revoliutsii, II: 479–90.
21. Pravda, May 8, 1927. Others found the Soviet delegation disappointing: Runciman, “The World Economic Conference at Geneva.”
22. Pravda, August 3, 1927.
23. In 1926, partially to discredit Sokolnikov, Stalin railroaded through a conviction and execution of a finance commissariat official for allegedly disorganizing the foreign exchange markets; in fact, publicity about the arrest and execution essentially froze foreign exchange markets, which, however, Rykov applauded. “The black market in foreign exchange is Sokolnikov’s creature, he gave birth to it, nourished it, cared for it the whole time,” Rykov told the July 1926 party plenum. “And we annihilated this creature of Sokolnikov. . . . And we do not have to spend more money” (supporting the exchange rate of the convertible chervonets). Mozokhin, VChK-OGPU, 208–10 (citing APRF, f. 3, op. 57, d. 91, 1. 58; TsA FSB, f. 2, op. 5, pro. 581, 1. 121–2); RGASPI, f. 17, op. 2, d. 246, 1.53.
24. Stephen F. Cohen, Bukharin, 329.
25. Khrushchev Remembers, 222.
26. Pravda, August 10, 1928.
27. Sutton, Western Technology and Soviet Economic Development, vol. II. There is cause for doubt about whether the USSR could have managed without massive Western technical assistance, a circumstance not peculiar to the USSR, except for the politics involved. Keller, Ost minus West = Null.
28. Sanchez-Sibony, “Depression Stalinism.”
29. Soon, the OGPU would create prison research institutes (sharashki) for “bourgeois” specialists. Viktorov, Bez grifa “sekretno,” 108, 146–7.
30. Avtorkhanov, Tekhnologiia vlasti, 26.
31. Moshe Lewin posed the question of what would have happened had Stalin died, but
did not answer it fully: Journal of Modern History, 47/2 (1975): 364–72 (review of Tucker, Stalin as Revolutionary).
32. Lenin wrote to his secretary Fotiyeva (December 28, 1921), “I ought to meet with Stalin and before that connect me by telephone with [Doctor V. A.] Obukh to talk about Stalin.” PSS, LIV: 99; Golikov, Vladimir Il’ich Lenin, IX: 565, 572. On Stalin’s appendix, see one of the first extant documents on his health: RGASPI, f. 558, op. 4, d. 675, l. 1–23 (March 25, 1921).
33. Nikolai Nad, “Kto ubil Mikhaila Frunze,” Izvestiia, October 26, 2010.
34. Golikov, Vladimir Il’ich Lenin, VI: 390, IX: 348, 618, X: 348, 566, 588, 639, XI: 47, 113, 128; Meijer, Trotsky Papers, II: 26–9, 66–7; McNeal, Stalin, 50.
35. Golikov, Vladimir Il’ich Lenin, IX: 565, 572.
36. RGASPI, f. 558, d. 1279, d. 1482.
37. Plekhanov and Plekhanov, F. E. Dzerzhinskii, 583 (TsA FSB, f. 2, op. 3, d. 4, l. 2: February 8, 1925).
38. Bosworth, Mussolini’s Italy, 240.
39. Tumshis and Papchinskii, 1937, bol’shaia chistka, 52. Mikhail Frinovsky (b. 1898), then the head of the OGPU Special Department for the Moscow military district, caught the terrorists some fifteen miles out on the Serpukhov Highway. The captured perpetrators were Georgy Radkovich and Dmitri Monomakhov. In November 1928, Frinovsky would be promoted by Yagoda to head of the Kremlin garrison.
40. Loginov, Teni vozhdin.
41. Fel’shtinskii, Razgovory s Bukharinym, 43. See also Deutscher, Prophet Unarmed, 442.
42. “Samoubiistvo ne opravdanie,” 93. Tomsky would never mention the incident again (except in his suicide note to Stalin of August 22, 1936), but Tomsky’s aides (A. Slepkov, D. Maretsky, and L. Ginzburg) retold the story of Tomsky’s threat in the fall of 1929.
43. “Few great men,” Carr also wrote, “have been so conspicuously as Stalin the product of the time and place in which they lived.” Carr, Socialism in One Country, I: 151, 192.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Over many years of research and teaching, I have spent some time in most of the archives listed below (with the key exception of the former KGB archive, which is closed to almost all researchers). I have worked comprehensively in the former Communist party archive and the Hoover Institution Archive (which has immense duplicate holdings of Soviet-era archival files as well as bounteous original material). Since the advent of scanning and digitization, many archival files can be consulted without visits in person (particularly if Russian colleagues with good access share). But given the scope of this undertaking, the most efficient research strategy appeared to be to work in archives as much as possible while also conducting exhaustive research in published document collections and the works of scholars who use unpublished sources extensively and reliably. Document collections, as well as the tiny handful of researchers with privileged access to restricted archives, are especially crucial for secret police and military matters. I also made sure to comb the rich periodical literature of the time, and not to neglect scholarship that may have been produced a long time ago. Readers are advised that the research has been conducted in different times in different places, and some repositories happen to have one edition of, say, a party congress or a published memoir, others have another edition, which is reflected in the endnotes. Readers will also notice names are given in different variants—“Trotsky” in the text and the bibliography when referring to books of his in English, “Trotskii” (per Library of Congress) for his Russian-language works. Such are the frustrations of transliteration. Names of non-Russians, meanwhile, are rendered in the original in the text—thus Dzierżyński, an ethnic Pole, is Russified (Dzerzhinskii) only in the notes and bibliography.
APRF: Russian Presidential Archive (former politburo archive)
AVP RF: Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation
GANO: State Archive of Novosibirsk
GARF: State Archive of the Russian Federation
GF IML: Georgian Affiliate of the Communist Party Archive
GIAG: Georgia State Historical Archive
Hoover Institution Archive, Stanford University
RGAE: Russian State Economic Archive
RGAKFD: Russian State Archive of Photographs and Film
RGALI: Russian State Archive of Literature and Art
RGASPI: Russian State Archive of Social and Political History (former central party archive)
RGIA: Russian State Historical Archive
RGVA: Russian Military Archive
TsA FSB: Central Archive of the Federal Security Service (former KGB)
TsGAKFFD SPb: Central State Archive of Photographs, Film, and Phonographic Documents, St. Petersburg
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