by Anne Trubek
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INTRODUCTION
Why the Rust Belt Matters (and What It Is)
THE RUST BELT, LINGUISTICALLY SPEAKING, is one of America’s newest regions. The name was largely created in 1984 by, of all people, Walter Mondale. At a campaign stop during the presidential election, Mondale made a speech to steelworkers at the LTV plant in Cleveland in which he decried Reagan’s position on trade, particularly the lifting of quotas on steel imports, which had sent the industry into crisis. As he put it, “Reagan’s policies are turning our industrial Midwest into a rust bowl.”
The press tweaked Mondale’s dust bowl reference into “Rust Belt,” to make it play off “Sun Belt,” another new term for an American region, this one coined in 1969 by Kevin Phillips in his book The Emerging Republican Majority, to describe a happier set of shifting demographics and economic policies. For over three decades since, the term has been deplored, praised, and parsed. There is a sizable contingent—especially among the baby boomers who remember the moment the term was coined—who consider it derogatory and strive to have it replaced (recent attempts to rebrand the region include the “Trust Belt,” the “New American Heartland,” and the “Freshwater Region”). But the term has stuck.
Definitions of where, exactly, the Rust Belt is are also often debated1. There is no answer. The term was not invented by geographers but by a politician and the media. There are no natural borders, as there are with the East and West Coasts, say, or topographic features, as with the Great Plains or the Rocky Mountains. “Rust Belt” is a historical term, like “New England” and “Sun Belt” (even “Midwest” is as much historic as geographic). “Post-industrial Midwest” can serve as a synonym (along with its cousins, “industrial Midwest” and “formerly industrial Midwest”). Michigan, Ohio, and Pennsylvania are central to the region, as well as parts of Illinois, Wisconsin, and New York. “As far west as Milwaukee and as far east as Buffalo” usually works. Borderlands, such as Cincinnati and St. Louis, as well as abutting regions such as Appalachia, can be fun to debate over beers—just how rusty are they?—but in the end, anywhere an economy was previously based on manufacturing and has since been losing population can be part of the gang.
This is true internationally, too—China and Russia and Germany and just about any country with a history of manufacturing have rust belts where economies were once based on industry and now no longer are; least, that is how such declining regions are described in news headlines. Starting with the 2016 presidential election, the term was used more than it had been in recent memory by the American press, usually to describe the then-surprising popularity of Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders, who were campaigning, just like Walter Mondale before them, for more restrictive trade policies. Although Trump’s support was strong in the South, the West, and many areas of blue states like New York and California, Trump used the Rust Belt as an example of America’s fall from prior greatness. Since the election, the term has continued to appear even more often in the mainstream media, usually in articles seeking to understand the appeal of Trump in the so-called Rust Belt region—again, despite Trump’s equal or greater support elsewhere in the country.
* * *
The most common culprit for Rust Belt woes cited by politicians and the media is the North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement. And though NAFTA has become a popular political talking point, its impact on the region has been secondary. Mondale placed the blame on the policies of Ronald Reagan. But even earlier, in the 1970s, the demand for steel, which was high during World War II, had begun to wane, and many saw their jobs disappear. Arguably the most symbolic date in Rust Belt history was Black Monday, September 19, 1977, when Youngstown Sheet and Tube in Ohio closed down, leading to a loss of some forty thousand jobs2. Also notable: the region’s population peaked in the 1970s and has been in decline ever since.
Those manufacturing jobs are never going to return to the levels seen in the 1970s. The lack of jobs and opportunity for the white working class has been an ongoing problem for over forty years now—long before Obama, Clinton, or even Reagan.
And so the term “Rust Belt” continues to define the region, to the consternation of both those who have never liked it and those who wish the economy—any economy—would show up and turn “Rust Belt” from open sore to quaint artifact. And while the term may lack geographical strata, it has historical layers, and they are thick and redolent. The phrase is born of loss, but has acquired texture, depth, and decades’ worth of meaning.
That more people have become curious about the Rust Belt since the 2016 presidential election is a welcome development. But it has become increasingly tempting—and increasingly dangerous—to reduce the Rust Belt to clichés. At a time when it is more important than ever to understand the nuances of this complex region, what is published instead are often articles on the “typical” Rust Belt resident—more often than not a white male Trump supporter. Generalizations about the region’s population are now as popular as simply ignoring the Rust Belt was just a few years ago. Most are wrong.
* * *
Some important facts: Many Rust Belt cities have minority populations that statistically outpace those in other parts of the country. The largest per capita Muslim population in the United States is here, in Dearborn, Michigan. With so much emphasis placed on the manufacturing sector, many overlook the largest employers in the region: hospitals, retailers, and institutions of higher education. Of the handful of cities in the United States that support an Orthodox Jewish population, many are in the Rust Belt. A century ago, the region’s cities were often populated primarily by non-native English speakers. For example, in 1900, over 75 percent of the residents of Cleveland, Ohio, were foreign-born or first-generation immigrants.
To sum up such a diverse region with a few adjectives, or a rags-to-riches story of exceptionalism with a message of individualism at its core, is both misleading and dangerous. This book offers another way of looking at the Rust Belt, another way to grasp its contours—through dozens of individual stories, finely told. These essays address segregated schools, rural childhoods, suburban ennui, lead poisoning, opiate addiction, and job loss. They reflect upon happy childhoods, successful community ventures, warm refuges for outsiders, and hidden oases of natural beauty. But mainly they are stories drawn from uniquely personal experiences: A girl has her bike stolen. A social worker in Pittsburgh makes calls on clients. A journalist from Buffalo moves away and misses home. A city manager stops fighting the urge to relocate and decides to make a life in Akron. An ecologist takes her students to a CVS parking lot. A father gives his daughter a bath in the lead-contaminated water of Flint, Michigan.
We’ve come to recognize the major trends, popular as topics in opinion pages and stump speeches, that have come to shape the narrative of the region: racial discrimination, poverty, job loss, climate change, neglect, depopulation. But there is power in simply bearing witness. To learn about i
ndividual lives and specific places. To appreciate the writers’ abilities to render experience. And to resist the urge to make of this place a static, incomplete cliché, a talking point, or a polling data set.
In lieu of a thesis or some prescription, these essays offer gorgeous turns of phrase, heartbreaking experiences, and raw emotion. There is an urgency to them. We have created not only income inequality but also narrative inequality in this nation: some stories are told over and over while others are passed over, muted. So the writers in this book seek you and say: This is me and I am here. But more, they say: Please pay attention. Please listen. Let us tell you our story. We can tell it ourselves.
The importance of paying attention is the tie that binds all the essays in this volume. It is also central to the mission of Belt Publishing—the press that initially published these pieces in Belt Magazine and in books on Detroit, Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Flint, Akron, and Buffalo—to create a much-needed space for the deep, various, complex, sad, wonderful, and pressing stories of the Rust Belt. The essays included here showcase the thick, overlapping, and various layers of the region. Like the Rust Belt, they are as suffused by life as they are by loss, if not more so.
—Anne Trubek, founder and director of Belt Publishing
GROWING UP
JACQUELINE MARINO
A Girl’s Youngstown
I USED TO BE AFRAID of the mills, or what was left of them in the late 1970s. Although I grew up in Boardman, my family often went to visit my grandparents on the east side of Youngstown. As soon as we got to the Market Street Bridge, my sister and I would hit the floor of our mother’s white Oldsmobile, clasping our hands over our noses and mouths. We would hold our breath until our lungs burned, until the structures we passed turned from smokestacks to skyscrapers.
My mother, a nurse, said the pollution the mills belched into the air made people sick and turned their lungs black. We didn’t doubt her. All the old people we knew died of cancer. We weren’t going to let that happen to us, though. When we saw the mills, we just wouldn’t breathe.
Youngstown residents had been passing over the Market Street Bridge—most of them much more happily—since 1899. After being fought by farmers who didn’t want to develop the city and “big interests” who thought the bridge would hurt them, its opening was “the climax of one of the most romantic chapters in the history of Youngstown,” according to a 1914 article in The Sunday Vindicator. The number of homes on the south side increased from a few hundred in 1899 to several thousand fifteen years later. The number of schools more than doubled in that same time period, and the number of churches increased from two to ten. Toward the twentieth century’s end, however, many journeys from the south side to downtown began reluctantly in the suburbs, whose residents, like us, were drawn not for business or fun but family obligation.
My sister and I continued holding our breath over that bridge throughout the 1980s, long after the mills closed. To us, the air was toxic and always would be. Those ugly structures were like sirens warning us to get to the air raid shelter. Mom would drive fast. We’d be blue, but safe.
As we got older, not breathing as we crossed into downtown became a form of protest. Going to Grandma’s redbrick house on South Pearl Street seemed like a form of punishment. In the house, we did little besides play poker for pennies and watch network television. Outside, my grandpa’s garden took up most of the backyard, and we weren’t allowed to climb the cherry tree.
Our grandparents’ neighborhood was nothing like ours in Boardman. We rode our bikes everywhere, sometimes even crossing Route 224 on our own. We explored the woods with our neighborhood friends, playing hide-and-seek and climbing trees until someone was thirsty or bleeding. Our lives were full and free. Cancer, black lungs, stinky mills—none of that Youngstown would touch us. We wouldn’t let it.
I didn’t realize then that you don’t get to choose what parts of your hometown you get to claim any more than you can choose your grandmother’s green eyes or your grandfather’s musical talent. You can’t take the homemade cavatelli and leave the corrupt politicians, or notice the Butler art institute but not the ruins. The Youngstown of my past is two cities: one safe, leafy, and full of promise; the other scary, dirty, and stifling. In my memories, in me, both remain.
I have lived in a half dozen cities over the past twenty years. I have appreciated and criticized them all for different reasons, but only Youngstown feels complicated. Perhaps it is complicated in the way all hometowns are. They are the places where we learn to feel love and hate and the spectrum of other meaningful emotions. But I think it’s different for those of us from Youngstown. Everything about our city is heavy—steel, corruption, racial and class division, and, most distinctively, the weight of others’ condemnation.
Everyone carries it, even those of us without direct ties to steel or organized crime. Neither Steeltown nor Crimetown had much claim on me. My parents were professionals, and my closest relatives to toil near the blast furnace were great-uncles. As a girl, I didn’t see myself in the history of a Youngstown everyone else seemed to know. Where was my Youngstown? It would be many years before I would realize no one had written its history yet.
At my grandparents’ house, there was no thrill of discovery in exploring the trappings of my mother’s past. Almost nothing from my mother’s girlhood remained—perhaps because she had so little as a girl. Her tiny bedroom, at the top of a flight of steep, narrow stairs, held only a single bed and a dresser. I knew kids whose bedroom closets were bigger. There was so little room, in fact, that the door only opened about halfway before hitting the dresser. I didn’t know how my mother survived in that room. My bedroom was my refuge, the place where I read and dreamed and wrote in a household where no one except my father ever wanted to be alone.
To write fiction, Virginia Woolf said a woman needed money and a room of her own. I think that’s good advice for anyone wishing to write anything, though I would add another requirement: the room should be big enough for a desk.
Growing up, my mother did not have money or a desk, and she was rarely alone. Her one-bathroom, thousand-square-foot house was shared with two younger brothers. My grandparents were very social and their neighbors were close. My mother remembers their community fondly. She walked everywhere, waving at the neighbors sitting on their front porches, engaged in the traditional Youngstown pastime of street watching. She even walked to her school, Sacred Heart, with its giant crucifix that towered over the mills. In the early 1980s, however, we weren’t allowed to leave Grandma’s brick driveway. When we went to Sacred Heart for spaghetti dinners, we drove. The school was closed by then and the church’s crucifix had lost some of its majesty, overlooking the ruins of the mills we used to hide from in the Oldsmobile.
One by one, my grandparents’ neighbors moved away from Pearl Street. There were break-ins and drugs. Empty liquor bottles and garbage littered the street. We rarely saw other children there, only our cousins when they were visiting from other cities.
My grandparents left for Boardman in the 1980s, and I didn’t return to Pearl Street until nearly two decades later. I went back because Youngstown was haunting me. Once again, the city was at the center of something very bad on a national stage. By 2000, after a four-year investigation, the FBI had convicted dozens of people, including judges and other public officials, on corruption charges. Even Youngstown’s congressman, James Traficant, was being investigated. It was like the worker uprisings of the 1910s, the mob wars of the 1960s, or the economic devastation of the 1970s. It didn’t matter if you had nothing to do with any of that personally. If you were from Youngstown, you felt the heat.
Corruption in Youngstown wasn’t just a onetime thing. It was “institutional,” woven into the fabric of the city’s culture. Or that’s what everyone was saying, anyway. As a graduate student, I wanted to learn why. I went back to Youngstown to research the places where the city’s history and my family’s history intersected. I spent many hours over several mon
ths interviewing my relatives, including my grandparents. Even though I found no close relatives among the scores of Youngstown politicians, organized criminals, and lackeys who had been convicted over the years, I was amazed by the few degrees of separation between my family members and those who had given the city its disrepute.
These connections were often passing but memorable. My great-grandmother was shaken down for a gold pocket watch—the only thing of value belonging to her late husband—by a member of the Black Hand. Mobster Joseph “Fats” Aiellio, whose wife was one of my paternal grandmother’s dearest friends, once gave my father a toy gun. (My grandmother, mortified, made him give it back.) My great-uncle Joe worked at the Calla Mar, a restaurant owned by Pittsburgh “godfather” Jimmy Prato, who threw a luncheon in honor of that grandmother when she died. At one time, almost everyone played the bug, the illegal gambling racket that perpetuated organized crime in Youngstown.
“Every day a guy would come to the house,” my maternal grandmother, Betty D’Onofrio, told me. “You’d play three cents or five cents on a number.”
Even I have a connection to a Youngstown criminal. Briefly in 1992, I interned for Congressman Traficant on Capitol Hill. After a full day of opening mail, answering phones, and greeting visitors, I asked one of his female aides when it would be my turn to shadow the chief of staff and attend receptions, like the only other intern—a man—had been doing all day. Her answer? Never.
“The congressman always wants a woman at the front desk,” she said, with a contempt I hadn’t expected. If I wanted to do anything else over the next three months, she strongly advised me to find another unpaid internship.
That was my last day.
The next week, I walked into the office of the National Women’s Political Caucus, a nonpartisan group that works to get women elected to public office, and asked the communications director to hire me.