“It is strange,” Mr. Stenson pointed out, “that so little news of this gain of strength on the part of the Socialists has been allowed to escape from Germany. However rigid their censorship, copies of German newspapers reach us every day from neutral countries. I cannot believe that Socialism has made the advance Freistner claims for it, and I agree with our friends, Mr. Cross and Mr. Sands here, that you ought to be very sure that Freistner is not deceived before you take this extreme measure.”
“We are content to trust to our brothers in Germany,” Fenn declared.
“I am not convinced that we should be wise to do so,” Julian intervened. “I am in favour of our taking a few more days to consider this matter.”
“And I am against any delay,” Fenn objected hotly. “I am for immediate action.”
“Let me explain where I think we have been a little hasty,” Julian continued earnestly. “I gather that the whole correspondence between this body and the Socialist Party in Germany has been carried on by Mr. Fenn and Freistner. There are other well-known Socialists in Germany, but from not one of these have we received any direct communication. Furthermore—and I say this without wishing to impugn in any way the care with which I am sure our secretary has transcribed these letters—at a time like this I am forced to remember that I have seen nothing but copies.”
Fenn was on his feet in a moment, white with passion.
“Do you mean to insinuate that I have altered or forged the letters?” he shouted.
“I have made no insinuations,” Julian replied. “At the same time, before we proceed to extremities, I propose that we spend half an hour studying the originals.”
“That’s common sense,” Cross declared. “There’s no one can object to that. I’m none so much in favour of these typewritten slips myself.”
Fenn turned to whisper to Bright. Mr. Stenson rose to his feet. The glare of the unshaded lamp fell upon his strained face. He seemed to have grown older and thinner since his entrance into the room.
“I can neither better nor weaken my cause by remaining,” he said. “Only let this be my parting word to you. Upon my soul as an Englishman, I believe that if you send out those telegrams to-night, if you use your hideous and deadly weapon against me and the Government, I believe that you will be guilty of this country’s ruin, as you certainly will of her dishonour. You have the example of Russia before you. And I will tell you this, too, which take into your hearts. There isn’t one of those men who are marching, perhaps to-night, perhaps tomorrow, to a possible death, who would thank you for trying, to save their lives or bodies at the expense of England’s honour. Those about to die would be your sternest critics. I can say no more.”
Julian walked with the Premier towards the door.
“Mr. Stenson,” he declared, “you have said just what could be said from your point of view, and God knows, even now, who is in the right! You are looking at the future with a very full knowledge of many things of which we are all ignorant. You have, quite naturally, too, the politician’s hatred of the methods these people propose. I myself am inclined to think that they are a little hasty.”
“Orden,” Mr. Stenson replied sternly, “I did not come to you to-night as a politician. I have spoken as a man and an Englishman, as I speak to you now. For the love of your country and her honour, use your influence with these people. Stop those telegrams. Work for delay at any cost. There’s something inexplicable, sinister, about the whole business. Freistner may be an honest man, but I’ll swear that he hasn’t the influence or the position that these people have been led to believe. And as for Nicholas Fenn—”
The Prime Minister paused. Julian waited anxiously.
“It is my belief,” the former concluded deliberately, “that thirty seconds in the courtyard of the Tower, with his back to the light, would about meet his case.”
They parted at the door, and Julian returned to his seat, uneasy and perplexed. Around the Council table voices were raised in anger. Fenn, who was sitting moodily with folded arms, his chair drawn a little back from the table, scowled at him as he took his place. Furley, who had been whispering to the Bishop, turned towards Julian.
“It seems,” he announced, “that the originals of most of Freistner’s communications have been destroyed.”
“And why not?” Fenn demanded passionately. “Why should I keep letters which would lay a rope around my neck any day they were found? You all know as well as I do that we’ve been expecting the police to raid the place ever since we took it.”
“I am a late comer,” Julian observed, “but surely some of you others have seen the original communications?”
Thomas Evans spoke up from the other end of the table,—a small, sturdily built man, a great power in South Wales.
“To be frank,” he said, “I don’t like these insinuations. Fenn’s been our secretary from the first. He opened the negotiations, and he’s carried them through. We either trust him, or we don’t. I trust him.”
“And I’m not saying you’re not right, lad.” Cross declared. “I’m for being cautious, but it’s more with the idea that our German friends themselves may be a little too sanguine.”
“I will pledge my word,” Fenn pronounced fiercely, “to the truth of all the facts I have laid before you. Whatever my work may have been, to-day it is completed. I have brought you a people’s peace from Germany. This very Council was formed for the purpose of imposing that peace upon the Government. Are you going to back out now, because a dilettante writer, an aristocrat who never did a stroke of work in his life, casts sneering doubts upon my honesty? I’ve done the work you gave me to do. It’s up to you to finish it, I represent a million working men. So does David Sands there, Evans and Cross, and you others. What does Orden represent? Nobody and nothing! Miles Furley? A little band of Socialists who live in their gardens and keep bees! My lord Bishop? Just his congregation from week to week! Yet it’s these outsiders who’ve come in and disturbed us. I’ve had enough of it and them. We’ve wasted the night, but I propose that the telegrams go out at eight o’clock tomorrow morning. Hands up for it!”
It was a counter-attack which swept everything before it. Every hand in the room except the Bishop’s, Furley’s, Cross’s and Julian’s was raised. Fenn led the way towards the door.
“We’ve our work to do, chaps,” he said. “We’ll leave the others to talk till daylight, if they want to.”
CHAPTER XX
Table of Contents
Julian and Furley left the place together. They looked for the Bishop but found that he had slipped away.
“To Downing Street, I believe,” Furley remarked. “He has some vague idea of suggesting a compromise.”
“Compromise!” Julian repeated a little drearily. “How can there be any such thing! There might be delay. I think we ought to have given Stenson a week—time to communicate with America and send a mission to France.”
“We are like all theorists,” Furley declared moodily, stopping to relight his pipe. “We create and destroy on palter with amazing facility. When it comes to practice, we are funks.”
“Are you funking this?” Julian asked bluntly.
“How can any one help it? Theoretically we are right—I am sure of it. If we leave it to the politicians, this war will go dragging on for God knows how long. It’s the people who are paying. It’s the people who ought to make the peace. The only thing that bothers me is whether we are doing it the right way. Is Freistner honest? Could he be self-deceived? Is there any chance that he could be playing into the hands of the Pan-Germans?”
“Fenn is the man who has had most to do with him,” Julian remarked. “I wouldn’t trust Fenn a yard, but I believe in Freistner.”
“So do I,” Furley assented, “but is Fenn’s report of his promises and the strength of his followers entirely honest?”
“That’s the part of the whole thing I don’t like,” Julian acknowledged. “Fenn’s practically the corner stone of this affair. It was he wh
o met Freistner in Amsterdam and started these negotiations, and I’m damned if I like Fenn, or trust him. Did you see the way he looked at Stenson out of the corners of his eyes, like a little ferret? Stenson was at his best, too. I never admired the man more.”
“He certainly kept his head,” Furley agreed. “His few straight words were to the point, too.”
“It wasn’t the occasion for eloquence,” Julian declared. “That’ll come next week. I suppose he’ll try and break the Trades Unions. What a chance for an Edmund Burke! It’s all right, I suppose, but I wonder why I’m feeling so damned miserable.”
“The fact is,” Furley confided, “you and I and the Bishop and Miss Abbeway are all to a certain extent out of place on that Council. We ought to have contented ourselves with having supplied the ideas. When it comes to the practical side, our other instincts revolt. After all, if we believed that by continuing the war we could beat Germany from a military point of view, I suppose we should forget a lot of this admirable reasoning of ours and let it go on.”
“It doesn’t seem a fair bargain, though,” Julian sighed. “It’s the lives of our men to-day for the freedom of their descendants, if that isn’t frittered away by another race of politicians. It isn’t good enough, Miles.”
“Then let’s be thankful it’s going to stop,” Furley declared. “We’ve pinned our colours to the mast, Julian. I don’t like Fenn any more than you do, nor do I trust him, but I can’t see, in this instance, that he has anything to gain by not running straight. Besides, he can’t have faked the terms, and that’s the only document that counts. And so good night and to bed,” he added, pausing at the street corner, where they parted.
There was something curiously different about the demeanour of Julian’s trusted servant, as he took his master’s coat and hat. Even Julian, engrossed as he was in the happenings of the evening, could scarcely fail to notice it.
“You seem out of sorts to-night, Robert!” he remarked.
The latter, whose manners were usually suave and excellent, answered almost harshly.
“I have enough to make me so, sir—more than enough. I wish to give a week’s notice.”
“Been drinking, Robert?” his master enquired.
The man smiled mirthlessly.
“I am quite sober, sir,” he answered, “but I should be glad to go at once. It would be better for both of us.”
“What have you against me?” Julian asked, puzzled.
“The lives of my two boys,” was the fierce reply. “Fred’s gone now—died in hospital last night. It was you who talked them into soldiering.”
Julian’s manner changed at once, and his tone became kinder.
“You are very foolish to blame anybody, Robert. Your sons did their duty. If they hadn’t joined up when they did, they would have had to join as conscripts later on.”
“Their duty!” Robert repeated, with smothered scorn. “Their duty to a squirming nest of cowardly politicians—begging your pardon, sir. Why, the whole Government isn’t worth the blood of one of them!”
“I am sorry about Fred,” Julian said sympathetically. “All the same, Robert, you must try and pull yourself together.”
The man groaned.
“Pull myself together!” he said angrily. “Mr. Orden, sir, I’m trying to keep respectful, but it’s a hard thing. I’ve been reading the evening papers. There’s an article, signed `Paul Fiske’, in the Pall Mall. They tell me that you’re Paul Fiske. You’re for peace, it seems—for peace with the German Emperor and his bloody crew.”
“I am in favour of peace on certain terms, at the earliest possible moment,” Julian admitted.
“That’s where you’ve sold us, then—sold us all!” Robert declared fiercely. “My boys died believing they were fighting for men who would keep their word. The war was to go on till victory was won.. They died happily, believing that those who had spoken for England would keep their word. You’re very soft-hearted in that article, sir, about the living. Did you think, when you sat down to write it, about the dead?—about that wilderness of white crosses out in France? You’re proposing in cold blood to let those devils stay on their own dunghill.”
“It is a very large question, Robert,” Julian reminded him. “The war is fast reaching a period of mutual exhaustion.”
The man threw all restraint to the winds.
“Claptrap!” was his angry reply. “You wealthy people want your fleshpots again. We’ve a few more million men, haven’t we? America has a few more millions?”
“Your own loss, Robert, has made you—and quite naturally, too—very bitter,” his master said gently. “You must let those who have thought this matter out come to a decision upon it. Beyond a certain point, the manhood of the world must be conserved.”
“That sounds just like fine talk to me, sir, and no more; the sort of stuff that’s printed in articles and that no one takes much stock of. Words were plain enough when we started out to fight this war. We were going to crush the German military spirit and not leave off fighting until we’d done it. There was nothing said then about conserving millions of men. It was to be fought out to the end, whatever it cost.”
“And you were once a pacifist!”
“Pacifist!” the man repeated passionately. “Every human being with common sense was a pacifist when the war started.”
“But the war was forced upon us,” Julian reminded him. “You can’t deny that.”
“No one wishes to, sir. It was forced upon us all right, but who made it necessary? Why, our rotten government for the last twenty years! Our politicians, Mr. Julian, that are prating now of peace before their job’s done! Do you think that if we’d paid our insurance like men and been prepared, this war would ever have come? Not it! We asked for trouble, and we got it in the neck. If we make peace now, we’ll be a German colony in twenty years, thanks to Mr. Stenson and you and the rest of them. A man can be a pacifist all right until his head has been punched. Afterwards, there’s another name for him. Is there anything more I can get you to-night before I leave, sir?”
“Nothing, thanks. I’m sorry about Fred.”
Julian, conscious of an intense weariness, undressed and went to bed very soon after the man’s departure. He was already in his first doze when he awoke suddenly with a start. He sat up and listened. The sound which had disturbed him was repeated,—a quiet but insistent ringing of the front-door bell. He glanced at his watch. It was barely midnight, but unusually late for a visitor. Once more the bell rang, and this time he remembered that Robert slept out, and that he was alone in the flat. He thrust his feet into slippers, wrapped his dressing gown around him, and made his way to the front door.
Julian’s only idea had been that this might be some messenger from the Council. To his amazement he found himself confronted by Catherine.
“Close the door,” she begged. “Come into your sitting room.”
She pushed past him and he obeyed, still dumb with surprise and the shock of his sudden awakening. Catherine herself seemed unaware of his unusual costume, reckless of the hour and the strangeness of her visit. She wore a long chinchilla coat, covering her from head to foot, and a mantilla veil about her head, which partially obscured her features. As soon as she raised it, he knew that great things had happened. Her cheeks were the colour of ivory, and her eyes unnaturally distended. Her tone was steady but full of repressed passion.
“Julian,” she cried, “we have been deceived—tricked! I have come to you for help. Are the telegrams sent out yet?”
“They go at eight o’clock in the morning,” he replied.
“Thank God we are in time to stop them!”
Julian looked at her for a moment, utterly incredulous.
“Stop them?” he repeated. “But how can we? Stenson has declared war.”
“Thank heaven for that!” she exclaimed, her voice trembling. “Julian, the whole thing is an accursed plot. The German Socialists have never increased their strength except in their own imagina
tions. They are absolutely powerless. This is the most cunning scheme of the whole war. Freistner has simply been the tool of the militarists. They encouraged him to put forward these proposals and to communicate with Nicholas Fenn. When the armistice has been declared and negotiations begun, the three signatures will be repudiated. The peace they mean to impose is one of their own dictation, and in the meantime we shall have created a cataclysm here. The war will never start again. All the Allies will be at a discord.”
“How have you found this out?” Julian gasped.
“From one of Germany’s chief friends in England. He is high up in the diplomatic service of—of a neutral country, but he has been working for Germany ever since the commencement of the war. He has been helping in this. He has seen me often with Nicholas Fenn, and he believes that I am behind the scenes, too. He believes that I know the truth, and that I am working for Germany. He is absolutely to be relied upon. Every word that I am telling you is the truth.”
“What about Fenn?” Julian demanded breathlessly.
“Nicholas Fenn has had a hundred thousand pounds of German money within the last few months,” she replied. “He is one of the foulest traitors who ever breathed. Freistner’s first few letters were genuine enough, but for the last six weeks he has been imprisoned in a German fortress—and Fenn knows it.”
“Have you any proof of all this?” Julian asked. “Remember we have the Council to face, and they are all girt for battle.”
“Yes, I have proof,” she answered, “indirect but damning enough. This man has sometimes forwarded and collected for me letters from connections of mine in Germany. He handed me one to-night from a distant cousin. You know him by name General Geroldberg. The first two pages are personal. Read what he says towards the end,” she added, passing it on to Julian.
Julian turned up the lamp and read the few lines to which she pointed:
By the bye, dear cousin, if you should receive a shock within the next few days by hearing that our three great men have agreed to an absurd peace, do not worry. Their signatures have been obtained for some document which we do not regard seriously, and it is their intention to repudiate them as soon as a certain much-looked for event takes place. When the peace comes, believe me, it will be a glorious one for us. What we have won by the sword we shall hold, and what has been wrested from us by cunning and treachery, we shall regain.
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