by Gordon Ryan
“I understand the need for theater, Senator. Now, how can we help you further?” Austin asked, still wary of the senior senator’s intentions. Culpepper motioned for both men to take seats.
Senator Culpepper had decorated his office, in which he had been firmly ensconced since the Hart Senate Office Building had been built thirty years earlier in 1982, with primarily antebellum and Civil War themes, most of them reflecting his home state of Tennessee. A half-dozen limited editions and two excellent originals of Civil War battles lined his walls, all done by the famous military historian and artist, Don Stivers. Both the original paintings depicted stages of the Civil War in which Confederate General Nathan Bedford Forrest led his cavalry regiment.
Bronze statutes rested on several bookcases and a nearly life-size statue of Andrew “Old Hickory” Jackson, another famous Tennessean and the seventh president, stood just outside the entrance to his private office. On the front of the senator’s desk was an engraved sign, “Git thar fust with the most men!”, which was the famous quote from General Forrest, noted for his use of quick mobility in battle.
“General, I know you’re not as naïve about political matters as you pretended this morning, but I’m not as curmudgeonly as I might appear, either. I just might surprise you with my, shall we say, private beliefs regarding the current situation. I thought it would help if we could get together, out of the public eye, and discuss the matter.” Culpepper reached into a drawer to the side of his desk and retrieved a clear plastic document protector, about a half-inch thick with documents, placing it on his desk top.
“Let me try to sum up why I asked you to meet with me this afternoon. As is the case in any war in world history, there are devious factions in society that would use any crisis, our current predicament included, to enhance their own objectives. Translated, that means ‘build their bank accounts,’ General. War profiteers. Scum of the earth, if you ask me, and dishonorable to their respective nations in time of crisis. As we both know, there are some Iraqis who are more wealthy today than Saddam was before the war. The same thing will happen in America with this latest invasion of our shores. I hope, General Austin, that you and I can form an alliance against them, but my opening gambit this morning was necessary to renew my well-established ‘anti-administration’ bona fides. The people we’re dealing with are concerned, with good reason, that the current administration will not favor their plans for increased profitability. From what I’ve seen of President Snow and some of his cabinet-level appointments, yourself included,” he chuckled, “they’re probably right. Oh, they shield their plans with verbiage of patriotism, honor, security for the nation, etcetera, but it’s all . . . what did you call my harangue this morning? Hyperbole?”
The crusty old senator, a veteran of many such clandestine political conspiracies, chuckled for several moments. “Perhaps I laid it on a bit thick in my opening monologue, and, given my history in the Senate, I’ve already confirmed my anti-administration stance. Your walk-out disrupted that plan rather quickly, but we can both thank Senator McKenzie for saving the day. A very astute woman. As to my true intentions, perhaps you should ask President Snow to have a quiet word with President Steadman, my Democratic cohort in many a clandestine battle, before condemning me completely.”
Austin nodded his understanding. “Perhaps we both were grandstanding a bit this morning, Senator. ‘Public performance often belies private action,’” he said, quoting a phrase from Senator Culpepper’s recent political treatise.
Culpepper grinned at the reference. “Now that’s what I’m talking about. You’re smarter, politically speaking, than you pretend.” He then turned his attention to Pug Connor. “Son, it speaks highly that General Austin brought you with him to this private meeting, and I’m going to infer from his decision that he trusts both your integrity and your confidentiality. Unless informed otherwise,” he said, glancing toward Austin, “I’m going to proceed on that assumption. I’m playing a dangerous game here, General Connor. Perhaps not as life-threatening as some of the missions I’ve learned you’ve undertaken, but potentially as damaging, politically speaking.”
Noticing Pug’s surprised look, Culpepper laughed. “Yes, son, I try to learn as much about those appearing before my committee as I can, and I’m certainly impressed with your military exploits before you landed behind a desk. I read your complete file when your name came before the Senate for confirmation as a general officer. Despite the . . . hyperbole . . . we are careful who we promote to flag officer rank.
“The Navy Cross doesn’t display as prominently when the recipient is attired in civilian clothing, but believe me, I’m highly impressed with what I know about you. Our common enemy, General Connor—and I’m speaking of the war profiteers, not the terrorists—don’t fight in the same way as your former opponents. Even the current terrorists, as cowardly as they are to be shooting innocent civilians, are more prepared to do battle than the culprits I’m talking about. Terrorists are prepared to die for their cause. These greedy insiders are only prepared to kill, not to die. Be that as it may, I trust I can rely on your discretion regarding this discussion? We must keep it between just the three of us.”
“I’m learning by the minute, Senator,” Pug said with a smile, “and I believe I’m under the tutelage of another master teacher this morning. I’ve learned that being under General Austin’s command carries a different kind of danger, but I’m finding it can be more intimidating than facing an AK-47, if you understand what I mean.”
Culpepper laughed boldly, a bit more vocal in his outburst. “I do indeed, son, I do indeed. My committee has massacred many a person across a green felt tablecloth. Now, General, before we get to the meat of our discussion, tell me what you know about PSC’s, private security companies.”
Austin hesitated only a moment. “I know they’ve taken on an increasingly larger role in our overseas government operations, especially what used to be referred to as BG, or bodyguard security work. Beyond that, if you’re referring to any covert military operations, domestic or international, I’ve not queried into that area, not in the short time I’ve served in Homeland Security. I gather from your comments that I better open my eyes a bit.”
“Wide open, General, wide open. They’re making inroads that would astonish the most ardent follower of our military posture. And, to be fair, they serve a very important purpose to meet our security needs, especially with the all-volunteer military we’ve had since we ended the draft. However, for about the past ten years, they’ve been seeking to change the dynamics and especially the scope of that relationship. Are you familiar with a firm called SI? Strategic Initiatives is the formal name. John Harford is the principal owner, a West Point graduate and former Army Ranger.”
“Absolutely. I’ve met with Harford and some of his key staff. The State Department and Homeland Security have a long-standing contract with them to provide security for traveling diplomats, especially for overseas meetings in hazardous countries.”
“Exactly. But they don’t limit their involvement to personal security missions. They’re much more involved in operational elements than meets the eye, covert as well as publicly bid contract work. I meet on a regular basis with two of the principals of SI. They now account for nearly twenty percent of duties that used to be performed exclusively by the military. Bit by bit, they’ve been reducing their reporting relationship to the Pentagon and cultivating a direct link with Congress. Simply stated, they want to work for the people they can buy. That does not usually include the Joint Chiefs of Staff or senior generals and admirals at the Pentagon. These officers are not all innocent, however, since SI fills their command structure with retired flag officers and generals, some colonels, most of whom were favorably disposed to SI when awarding prior contracts. But again, I suspect that you’re more aware of this development than you’ve let on.”
“Let’s just say the entire military concept has changed dramatically during my thirty-eight-year tenure, Senator,” Austin
replied.
Culpepper again looked at Connor. “Pardon us, son, while the general and I go down memory lane for a few moments. You might actually learn something yourself in the process. General, you joined the Air Force in what, the late sixties?”
“1964, actually. Air Force Academy, class of 1968,” Austin replied.
“Do you have any idea how many AFSC’s, Air Force Specialty Codes, or career fields, existed in the active duty cadre at that time?”
“Actually, I don’t, Senator, but I think I know where this is going. Over the intervening forty years, the military has moved nearly fifty percent of those job classifications to civilian contractors who perform the job. We have far fewer military job designations today than we did in the sixties.”
“Exactly, and the same has happened in each of the other armed services. If the military were called upon today to be self-sufficient, they’d lack the experienced troops to perform all these support functions. During my brief stint in the Army . . . back in the ‘old’ days, General Connor, I was told it takes about four and half support troops to keep one combat soldier on the front lines. The Air Force is closer to eight support people for every flight crew member. And yes, General Connor, I know that every Marine is a rifleman first,” he said, allowing another small laugh to escape. “But as regards the force structure, do my statistics conform to your understanding, Mr. Secretary?”
“You’re correct, Senator,” Austin replied. “By the very nature of the Air Force mission, they probably have the highest ratio of support personnel to operational pilots. Even some of the pilots are support, ferrying supplies and freight and not fronting the enemy. But we both know all these people are essential to the overall mission and the military services are interrelated. The Air Force flies the Army where it needs to go, the Navy transports the Marines, etcetera.”
“But the public really doesn’t understand all that, General. When the media complains that we had 300,000 troops in Iraq at one point, we probably had less than 75,000 combat troops available, soldiers with rifles out on patrol. These front line troops all have to eat, clean their clothes, receive mail, work the computers, fix the airplanes, do the myriad jobs that keep things working. PSC’s, or their less dramatic counterpart, the contract vendor, have assumed many of these roles, rendering us, at least in my opinion and that of many of my colleagues, less responsive and more subject to a breakdown in the system, should the contracts be called into question.”
Culpepper continued his review. “Enter PSC’s, private security companies. The British hired the Prussian and German mercenaries to fight with them against the colonies during the Revolutionary War. The practice has been going on for centuries. America is now doing it with home-grown security firms. For the most part, they’re staffed with former military troopers, but that’s not the end of the story. The important point to consider is that they’re now performed by private firms, run by civilians, responsible to no single nation, corporation, or entity. They’re responsible to shareholders. They have, in fact, become extremely multi-national in their make-up, especially at the senior levels. Their bottom line is the quarterly profit and loss statement, not the security of the nation. Certainly, I don’t mean to impugn the majority of their staff any more than I meant to discredit the president this morning. They have various types of associates, as I believe their staff members are called, who are loyal to their American oath, but PSC’s have begun to do business with many nations and that fact cannot be overlooked. The question becomes, when push comes to shove, to whom do they owe their loyalty? We all know that today’s international ally is tomorrow’s opposition. How many Asian or Middle Eastern wars have been fought where America had armed both sides over the previous decades?”
Austin nodded his understanding. “You’re suggesting that for some of the corporate executives, their primary loyalty is to the bank account, to shareholder profits?”
“I am, General, I am indeed. With this latest iteration of terrorism, which you, among others, have tried to convince us for several years was coming to American soil, PSC’s are presented with another great opportunity to expand their opportunities to become America’s surrogate military, and—this is the important part—another branch of domestic law enforcement. Believe me when I say, General, that every security provision we now encounter in our airports could, with the flick of a presidential pen, very well be present in public shopping malls, schools, and sports arenas. Our citizens could be subject to search and seizure at the whim of the local law enforcement officials. That’s the extent to which PSC’s would like to extend their authority. And Congress—my esteemed colleagues—are fast moving to become their staunch ally, all in the name of public safety and security.”
“You don’t paint a rosy picture, Senator,” Austin stated.
“Paint it anyway you see fit, General, it’s a fact, and to quote a marketing phrase, ‘it’s coming soon to a theater near you.’ The quintessential question of our time is fast becoming ‘How much freedom will our people surrender in order to increase their personal security?’ Who would have believed twenty years ago that we would have armed guards with automatic weapons strolling casually through our airports, that it would take over thirty minutes to an hour just to clear your way through to the departure gate, that older people with knee and hip replacements would need to practically undress because they will never be able to pass the metal screener, and that the most common practice for people flying would be to be dropped off at the curb by their family since sitting at the departure gate with a loved one is no longer permitted? And what man doesn’t go to the public restroom in the airport and check the briefcase or package standing beside a urinal, wondering if it was left twenty minutes ago, or belongs to someone currently using the facility?”
Austin shook his head. “Again, not a rosy picture of the America we all know, or knew, and loved.”
Culpepper stood and walked around to the front of his desk. He reached back and picked up the clear plastic folder and handed it to Austin. “When you have a few moments, General, please review this proposal from SI to enhance their services to our nation. I think it will open your eyes. SI calls it Domestic Tranquility. And this is very close to achieving approval by the congressional committee structure, in both houses, and the military hasn’t even been given the opportunity to review it. At least not openly. I personally gave a copy to Admiral Barrington about ten days ago. He was astonished at the content.”
Culpepper retraced his steps to the window, gazed down at the view of Washington D.C., and stood silent for several minutes while General Austin quickly scanned through the folder. Then Culpepper came back behind his desk and resumed his seat.
“We’ve been talking for twenty minutes and haven’t even mentioned the terrorist attack on our citizens. I don’t take this threat lightly, General, as I stated in committee this morning, but I am absolutely certain, even more so with you at the helm of HSD, that we will defeat, or at least find a way to live with, this level of domestic terrorism. Despite its public image, the media hype, and the fear of our citizens, the actual impact on our people is minimal. The causalities so far have been equated to less than ten percent of our weekly traffic fatality toll. But what I am most concerned about, which I will admit only in private meetings, mind you, is the end result and what type of security arrangements America will have at the other end of this current crisis. If we give the PSC’s carte blanche and allow them to run roughshod over our legal protections, habeas corpus, etc., heaven help us in our attempt to withdraw such blanket authority when the crisis ends. Declaring martial law would be easier to rescind. A greatly enhanced authority provision, called Domestic Tranquility, will live forever.
“Gentlemen, at this very moment, with the full knowledge of the president, Congress is working on a dramatic extension and broadening of the Patriot Act. The changes will authorize almost free reign to law enforcement to seize and hold suspected terrorists or their suspected supporters, for unlimite
d time. Some are pushing for a ten-day limit, without recourse to legal counsel. A national Guantanamo, so to speak. These are tougher restrictions than Abraham Lincoln enacted during the Civil War. The fear among my colleagues is palpable, reflected by their constituents and the national panic. They feel bound to do something to counter the terror in the streets. And we haven’t even addressed the internal, self-proclaimed militia, the unrestrained, white-supremacist based groups that love to kill anything not Anglo-Saxon.”
Austin nodded to acknowledge his agreement. “You’re absolutely right, Senator, but none of this was discussed this morning. What restrains your colleagues from speaking openly about their fears of repealing too much of our freedom?”
“Fear, plain and simple. Fear of exacerbating the public panic. Fear of being called soft on the war on terrorism, or ‘man-made disasters,’ as our esteemed Speaker of the House likes to call it. The congressional need to do something is much broader than you might imagine, especially on the House side, where they’re all up for election every two years. Perhaps unknown to you, some of my colleagues in the Senate, and perhaps the House, have been in discussions with the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. If legislation is enacted and upheld by the courts, America will change to an extent never even considered by the founders. General Connor,” Culpepper said, once again directing his comments at Pug, “I’d like to speak directly to you for a moment, in a most candid manner, if you please. Notwithstanding your reporting relationship to Secretary Austin, I understand you have a special relationship with President Snow.”
Connor glanced at General Austin, who nodded his assent. “I have a historical relationship, Senator, outside of politics or the military. But it does not provide either favor or obligation in my current assignment.”