Flesh Reborn

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by Jean-François Lozier


  33 JRAD 42: 53, 57–9; 43: 127–33; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 544–5; Campeau, Gannentaha, 21; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 808–9. Cf. Laflèche, Saints martyrs canadiens 5: 165.

  34 JRAD 42: 53, 57–9; 43: 127–33; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 544–5; Campeau, Gannentaha, 21; Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 808–9; Lignereux, “Mission périlleuse.”

  35 JRAD 42: 92, 116–18, 135.

  36 Ibid., 43: 128.

  37 Ibid., 43: 104–12.

  38 Ibid.

  39 Ibid., 43: 134; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 582–3. See also Campeau, Gannentaha, 19–25.

  40 JRAD 43: 114, 134–6; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 583–4. This episode bears striking resemblance to the attack of Le Moyne’s embassy in the summer of 1654. See also ibid., 550–1.

  41 JRAD 43: 114–22; Perrot, Moeurs, 343–5; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 584. See also Radisson, Collected Writings, 175. Guy Laflèche makes the strong case that an embarrassed Paul Le Jeune delayed the publication of the account of the attack in the Relation for 1656 to avoid concluding it on a demoralizing note, and decided to publish it only in the following year in a purposefully confusing and misleading way. Laflèche, Saints martyrs canadiens, 5: 11, 18, 137–9.

  42 Ibid.

  43 JRAD 42: 32; 43: 142; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 584. On Jacques Oachonk, who was tortured and killed in Iroquoia in early June, see JRAD 41: 166–75; and Campeau’s biographical sketch in MNF 8: 985. On Joachim Ondakont, see JRAD 43: 118–22, 142–4; and Campeau in MNF 8: 986.

  44 JRAD 43: 35; 45: 114, 244; 47: 248; 53: 121; 70: 207; 42: 32; 43: 142; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 584.

  45 “Raisons qui nous ont meu a faire eschange de nostre Maison de l’Isle d’Orléans avec la concession de M. de la Cytiere sise à la Pointe de Levy,” 1656, cited in Boily, “Terres amérindiennes,” 71–2 ; LAC, MG8-A23, vol. 112, “Contrat pour les terres désertées par les Hurons sur les concessions de Éléonore de Grandmaison et de Louis de Lauson de la Citière,” 2 April 1659 (copy in MNF 9: 328–9); JRAD 47: 260; 53: 120; Trudel, HNF 3, 2: 383–4; Boily, “Terres amérindiennes,” 71–4 ; Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats, 104–5, 136–7. The converse claim that the Hurons abandoned their fields as a result of the relocation, and instead turned to hunting and fishing, is unsubstantiated. Cf. Jetten, Enclaves amérindiennes, 64.

  46 JRAD 42: 260; 43: 268; 43: 186.

  47 Ibid., 43: 32–42.

  48 Ibid., 43: 44–6, 186, 190.

  49 See ibid., 33: 116–26.

  50 JRAD 41: 18; 43: 40.

  51 Ibid., 34: 128; 36: 180–8; 37: 108. On the Iroquois’s desire to avenge themselves for these actions, see ibid., 41: 56. There is a caveat here: Annaotaha’s Attigneenongnahac national affiliation is based on strong circumstantial evidence, but never stated explicitly in the sources. For biographical sketches, see Steckley, Untold Tales; Elsie McLeod Jury, “Annaotaha,” DCB 1: 64–5; Dickinson, “Annaotaha et Dollard.”

  52 JRAD 43: 42.

  53 Ibid., 43: 190–4.

  54 Ibid., 43: 192.

  55 Ibid., 43: 49. Cf. Laflèche, Saints martyrs canadiens, 5: 172.

  56 JRAD 43: 53–5; 44: 189.

  57 Ibid., 43: 50; 44: 72–6, 154; Radisson, Collected Writings, 175–82, 198; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 605; Steckley, De Religione, 128–9. The Relation mentions the killing of seven of the Huron men, while Marie de l’Incarnation speaks of the killing of thirteen adults and children, and the capture of forty.

  58 For the estimate of the population, see Ragueneau’s letter of 20 August 1658, in MNF 9: 190.

  59 JRAD 43: 56–8; 44: 186–8; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 605.

  60 JRAD 43: 56–60; 44: 186–92; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 605.

  61 Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 614. For the Franco-Iroquois diplomacy see, for example, JRAD 44: 110, 120; 45: 84–6, 100; 46: 224.

  62 JRAD 44: 98.

  63 Ibid., 44: 103–5.

  64 Ibid., 45: 94–6, 98, 106; Van Laer, Minutes of Court of Fort Orange, 2: 218; Brandão, Your Fyre Shall Burn No More, appendix D.

  65 JRAD 45: 244–60; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 622–4; Dickinson, “Annaotaha et Dollard”; Steckley, Untold Tales, chap., 3; Groulx, Pièges de la mémoire; Laflèche, Saints martyrs canadiens, 5: 187–260.

  66 Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 624. There Ignace Tsaouenhohoui is mistakenly called Eustache Tha8onhoh8i.

  67 Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 622–4; JRAD 45: 255; Dickinson, “Annaotaha et Dollard,” 168; cf. Trigger, Children of Aataentsic, 817.

  68 See supra, note 51. The defectors included Annaotaha’s nephew, La Mouche (The Fly), whom John Steckley suggests may have been none other than the aforementioned Joachim Ondakont. Steckley, Untold Tales.

  69 JRAD 46: 22–56, 120; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 624–6. On casualties, see Laflèche, Saints martyrs canadiens, 5: 381.

  70 JRAD 45: 156, 244. See also MNF 9: 426.

  71 JRAD 47: 291.

  72 Ibid., 48: 85–93.

  73 Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 705; JRAD 48: 75–83; 49: 136–48; Richter, Ordeal, 98–102; Parmenter, Edge of Woods, 114–16; Brandão, Your Fyre Shall Burn No More, appendix D.

  74 JRAD 46: 61–3.

  75 Ibid., 55: 290–6.

  76 Ibid., 36: 214; 45: 38–40; 49: 226–34. For another echo, see MNF 9: 218.

  77 JRAD 45: 38–42.

  78 On the royal reforms and troop dispatch, see Trudel, HNF 3, 1: 347–86; Trudel, HNF 4: 13–98; Verney, Good Regiment.

  79 JRAD 49: 224–30.

  80 Ibid.; Lozier, “Campagnes de Carignan-Salières.” On the men, dress, and campaigning of the Carignan-Salières Regiment, see Verney, Good Regiment.

  81 JRAD 49: 230–4.

  82 Ibid., 49: 232–6.

  83 Ibid., 50: 126–30; Salière, “Mémoire des choses qui se sont passées en Canada,” in Roy and Malchelosse, Régiment de Carignan, 54–5. On the persistent peace overtures of the western Iroquois in 1665 and 1666, see JRAD 49: 176–8; Broadhead et al., eds., NYCD 3: 126–7; Salière, “Mémoires,” in Regiment de Carignan, 62–3; Trudel, HNF 4: 191–2.

  84 For the treaty of 13 December 1665, see BNF, Département des manuscrits, Baluze 196, “Recueil de traités de paix” (or in translation, NYCD 3: 121–5).

  85 Ibid.

  86 ANOM, C11A 2: 127–128v, Talon to Colbert, 27 April 1665; JRAD 50: 130–48, 168, 180–6; René-Louis Chartier de Lotbinière, “Sur le voyage de monsieur de Courcelles,” in Lortie, Textes poétiques, 1: 53–63; Salière, “Mémoire,” in Roy and Malchelosse, Régiment de Carignan, 54–8; Trudel, HNF 4: 180–9.

  87 For the ratification by the Senecas on 22 May 1666 and by the Oneida and Mohawks on 7 July 1666, see BNF, Département des manuscrits, Baluze 196, “Recueil de traités de paix” (or in translation, NYCD 9: 44–7); JRAD 124–36, 190.

  88 NYCD 3: 131, 134; JRAD 50: 138, 192, 196; Salière, “Mémoire,” in Roy and Malchelosse, Régiment de Carignan, 62–3; Perrot, Mœurs, 354.

  89 JRAD 50: 138–40, 198–200.

  90 ANOM, C11A 2: 207-213v, “Mémoire de Talon à Tracy et Courcelle pour montrer qu’il est actuellement plus avantageux de faire la guerre aux Agniers que de conclure la paix avec eux,” 1 September 1666. This appears to be the earliest iteration of what would become the standard colonial policy in the last decades of the century. See also ANOM, C11A 2: 127-128v, Talon to Colbert, 27 April 1665. On the preparation of the expedition, see ANOM, C11A 2: 207213v, Talon to Tracy and Courcelle, 1 September 1666.

  91 JRAD 50: 140; Salière, “Mémoires,” in Roy and Malchelosse, Régiment de Carignan, 64; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 772, 774; Trudel, HNF 4: 195–202.

  92 JRAD 50: 142–4, 202–4; NYCD 3: 135; ANOM, C11A 2: 214–15, Talon to Louis XIV, 11 November 1666; Salière, “Mémoires,” in Roy and Malchelosse, Régiment de Carignan, 64; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 773–6.

  93 JRAD 50: 144.

  94 NYCD 3: 136-7; J
RAD 50: 205-9; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 775–6, 786–7.

  CHAPTER FIVE

  1 Thwaites, ed., JRAD 52: 36, 228, 236; 53: 130; 54: 286–8; 70: 206; Chaumonot, Missionnaire, 174–5; Clair, “Notre-Dame de Foy,” 175–89; Boily, “Terres amérindiennes,” 74–6; Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats, 71, 77, 105, 137.

  2 JRAD 36: 143; 44: 21; 54: 79; 57: 193. The identity of the Onnontioga (Onnontiogas, Onnontiogats) is a mystery. The name has erroneously been understood to mean the “people of Onontio,” or allies of the French from the Saint Lawrence valley. Cf. Hodge, Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, 3:129. In fact, the Jesuit Relations point out that like the Senecas and Neutrals, the Onnontioga “have scarcely seen any Europeans.” They were thus a western nation: the Wenros or Eries, Iroquoian nations of the Niagara frontier defeated by the Iroquois in the 1640s and 1650s, or the Algonquians of the western Great Lakes, called “Ontôagannha” or Fire Nation by the Iroquois, are more convincing identifications. JRAD 54: 84.

  3 JRAD 51: 123, 187.

  4 Ibid., 52: 179.

  5 Bradley, Evolution of Onondaga Iroquois, 122–3; Snow, Mohawk Valley Archaeology, 406.

  6 JRAD 43: 264.

  7 Ibid., 45: 206.

  8 See “francs Iroquois” in ibid., 45: 207; “anciens captifs des Iroquois, naturalisés avec eux” in ibid., 35:141; “plusieurs qui n’étaient pas Iroquois naturalisés” in ibid., 63: 166; “Hurons […] iroquoisés,” in Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 621. Historians have used a variety of labels, including “Iroquois de souche” and “old-stock Iroquois.” See Jetten, Enclaves amérindiennes, 65 ; Greer, Mohawk Saint, 27.

  9 JRAD 9: 254.

  10 Ibid., 42: 56.

  11 Cuoq, Lexique de la langue iroquoise, 3, 83; Viau, Enfants du néant, 148–9.

  12 JRAD 49: 105. See also ibid., 43: 292–4. On the precariousness of captivity, see Viau, Enfants du néant, 119–99; Starna and Watkins, “Northern Iroquois Slavery”; Richter, Ordeal, 68–74.

  13 JRAD 42: 56.

  14 For examples of Huron Christianity in exile, see JRAD 41: 94–124, 132; 42: 70–82, 184–8; 46: 108–12; 47: 58, 132; 4: 106–8; 50: 114–16; 54: 80–93.

  15 Ibid., 44: 20; 58: 232–4; Relations inédites, 1:173.

  16 JRAD 28: 298–300; 40: 188, 192.

  17 Bruce Trigger, “Garakontié,” in DCB 1: 322–3.

  18 Treaty of 13 December 1665, in BNF, Département des manuscrits, Baluze 196, “Recueil de traités de paix”; Broadhead et al., eds., NYCD 3: 121–5. For D’Argenson’s expression of similar conditions in 1659, see also JRAD 45: 90.

  19 For the ratification by the Senecas on 22 May 1666 and by the Oneida and Mohawks on 7 July 1666, see NYCD 9: 44–7 (also ibid., 3: 125–7); JRAD 124–36, 190. On the Iroquois conceptualization of hostages as distinct from captives see Bruyas (“Karih8anonna”), Radical Words, 81; Shea (“Garih8annonna”), French-Onondaga Dictionary, 75.

  20 JRAD 50: 204–10; 51:180; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 775–87; NYCD 3: 136–7; ANOM, C11A 2: 298–301v, Talon to Colbert, 25 August 1667; Talon to Louvois, 19 October and 19 December 1667, in RAPQ 1930–1931: 88–9.

  21 JRAD 51: 210

  22 Steckley, De Religione, 129–151. I have opted to translate as “capture” what Steckley interprets as “seize.” The reference to the invasion of Mohawk country “in the fall” (as opposed to years before) makes it possible to safely date this portion of the manuscript to 1666–67. Steckley, De Religione, 137.

  23 JRAD 57: 36–44. The Jesuit Relations are unclear as to the date of Atironta’s return. Taken literally, the indication that he “returned six years ago from the country of the Iroquois” indicates that he came back as early as 1665. It seems more likely, however, that he returned in 1666 or 1667.

  24 Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 786–7.

  25 JRAD 55: 290–2.

  26 Ibid., 55: 298–300. Annieouton appears previously in Oury, ed., Marie de l’Incarnation, 626.

  27 For the background of Tonsahoten and Ganneaktena (Annietenha, Gandeaktena, Gandeacteua), their encounter with Bruyas, and their journey to the Saint Lawrence in 1667–68, see JRAD 50: 212–16; 51: 147–9; 52: 21–7; 61: 194–208; 63: 154–82; Chauchetière, Vie, 80–101. Besides a few contemporaneous allusions, the earliest and most detailed accounts of Tonsahoten and Ganneaktena’s establishment at Kentake were written more than a decade later, by Vincent Bigot (1679) and Chauchetière (ca.1686). For historians’ attempts at resolving the confusions and contradictions of these sources, see Béchard, Original Caughnawaga Indians, 5–55; Lacroix, Origines de La Prairie, 15–30; Greer, Mohawk Saint, 91–5; Green, “New People,” 26–30; Richter, “Ordeals of the Longhouse,” 179–81; Henri Béchard, “Gandeacteua” and “Tonsahoten” in DCB 1: 321–2, 651. The figure of Charles Boquet has been the subject of some confusion among historians. Cf. Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 842–3; J. Monet, “Charles Boquet,” in DCB 1: 108; Richter, “Ordeals of the Longhouse”, 180; and Greer, Mohawk Saint, 91–3.

  28 Lavallée, La Prairie, 11–30; Ethnoscop, “Étude sur l’histoire,” 5–11; Arkéos, “Amérindiens et premiers colons,” 43–6, 94–7.

  29 JRAD 51: 148; 63: 154; Chauchetière, Vie, 83–4, 89–90.

  30 JRAD 51: 148; 52: 22; 63: 154; Chauchetière, Vie, 83–4, 89–90.

  31 JRAD 63: 154–6; Chauchetière, Vie, 90.

  32 JRAD 51: 175; 52: 16–18; Blouin, “Histoire et iconographie,” 1: 265. On the relocation to Notre Dame des Anges and subsequently to Notre Dame de Foy, see JRAD 52: 229; Chaumonot, Missionnaire, 174–6.

  33 On this northward migration and the settlements, see Konrad, “Iroquois Frontier”; Richter, Ordeal, 105–32; Pritchard, “Glory of God”; Adams, “Iroquois Settlement,” 6–10. Cf. Parmenter, Edge of Woods, 127–47.

  34 On the relationship of the Mohawks to the region of Montreal, see Radisson, Collected Writings, 169–70, 172–3; 169–70; Blanchard, Seven Generations, 152–3; Gabriel-Doxtater and Van den Hende, At the Wood’s Edge, 23–9; Bonaparte, Creation and Confederation, 36–44, and Lily Among Thorns, 29–35; Tremblay, ed., Saint Lawrence Iroquoians; Chapdelaine, “Review”; Engelbrecht, “Northern New York Revisited”; Birch, “Current Research.” On the name Tio’tia:ke, see Bruyas (“tiotiagi”, sic: “hotiagi”), Radical words, 50; Cuoq (“teiontiakon,” “tiotiake”), Lexique de la langue iroquoise, 43; Cooke (“TIO TIA KE”), American Philosophical Society, Mss. 497.3.C772, Iroquois personal names, 1900–1951, “Names beginning R–Z,” 651; Robinson, “Origin of the Name Hochelaga,” 296.

  35 JRAD 24: 262–4; 35: 208; 41: 54.

  36 Ibid., 63: 153 (retranslated).

  37 LAC, MG 11, CO 42, 26: 276–280v, Speech of the Iroquois of the Seven Nations to the governors of Quebec and New York, 8 September 1766.

  38 JRAD 57: 25–7.

  39 Édits, ordonnances royaux, 46.

  40 “Instruction pour le sieur de Courcelle au sujet des Indiens,” 1665, Blanchet, ed., CMNF 1: 175.

  41 Colbert to Jean Talon, 5 January 1666, RAPQ 1930–1931: 45. On francization during this period, see Havard, “Les forcer à devenir citoyens,” 989–92; Aubert, “Blood of France,” 452–3; Belmessous, “Assimilation and Racialism,” 511–14; Stanley, “Policy of ‘Francisation,’” 340.

  42 Colbert to Talon, 5 April 1667, RAPQ 1930–1931: 72. See also ANOM, C11A 2: 332, Colbert to Talon, 13 November 1666.

  43 BANQ-Q, TP1, S28, P100, “Arrêt ordonnant que les sauvages subiront la peine imposée par les lois et ordonnances de France,” 21 April 1664 ; Talon to Colbert, 13 November 1666, RAPQ 1930–1931: 58; Grabowski, Common Ground, 88–192.

  44 BANQ-Q, TP1, S28, P100, “Arrêt portant permission à tous les français, habitants de la Nouvelle-France, de traiter des boissons aux sauvages,” 10 November 1668, ; Talon to Colbert, 27 October 1667, RAPQ 1930–1931: 84; Grabowski, Common Ground, 193–245.

  45 ANOM, C11A 2: 317, Talon to Colbert, 27 November 1667.

  46 Oury, ed., Marie de l’Incarn
ation, 809, 828.

  47 Talon to Colbert, 13 November 1666, RAPQ 1930–1931: 58; Colbert to Talon, 20 February 1668, RAPQ 1930–1931: 93–5; Louis XIV to Laval, 7 March 1668, in Provost, Séminaire de Québec, 1: 36; JRAD 52: 46–8; Oury, ed. Marie de l’Incarnation, 809, 828; Baillargeon, Séminaire de Québec, 76–9; Gourdeau, Délices de nos cœurs; Trudel, HNF 4: 271–4.

  48 “Mémoire du Roi pour servir d’instruction à Talon,” 20 March 1665, RAPQ 1930–1931: 5–10; Cossette, “Jean Talon”; Eccles, Frontenac, 51–74.

  49 Trudel, HNF 4: 326–7, 330.

  50 Dickinson, “Sulpiciens,” 33–42; Deslandres, “Les fondations,” 19–31.

  51 Dickinson, “Évangéliser,” 351.

  52 Dollier de Casson, Histoire du Montréal, 301–11. On the Sulpician ventures on Lake Ontario, see Pritchard, “Glory of God,” 131–48; Tremblay, “Politique missionnaire.” On the work of the Sulpicians on the upper Island of Montreal, see Maurault, “Vicissitudes,” 121–49; Tremblay, “Politique missionnaire,” 48–9; Dickinson, “Évangéliser,” 356; Filiatrault, “Rapport d’étude.”

  53 For the grant to the fief of La Prairie de la Madeleine, dated 1 April 1647, see Pièces et documents, 75–6. On the evolution of the seigneury, see Lacroix, Origines de La Prairie; Lavallée, La Prairie; Boily, “Terres amérindiennes,” 94–6.

  54 JRAD 50: 210–12. On these seigneuries, see Dépatie, “Seigneurie de l’Île Jésus”; Trudel, HNF 4: 333.

  55 JRAD 35: 38; Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats, 102–3.

  56 JRAD 54: 286; Beaulieu, Béreau, and Tanguay, Wendats, 104–5; Clair, “Notre-Dame de Foy,” 175–89.

  57 JRAD 63: 150–2, 160, 164, 172–4.

  58 Ibid., 63: 158; Chauchetière, Vie, 46, 90–1; Saint-Vallier, Estat présent, 47–8.

  59 Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 863–4; BANQ-M, Fonds Bailliage de Montréal, TL2, 1971-00-000/11595, Procureur fiscal vs. Etienne Banchaud, Turcot and Lafontaine, 8 July 1669; Margry, Découvertes et établissements, 1: 109–12; Oury, Marie de l’Incarnation, 863–5; Dollier de Casson, Histoire de Montreal, 279; JRAD 53: 240; 54:112–14. On Turcot’s captivity, see JRAD, 37:112; 38: 58.

 

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