70, and T. Burns, Barbarians Within the Gates ofRome (1994), esp. pp. 303-304, n. 117-
6. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 3. 8-4. 4; on the support for Procopius, see Ammianus Marcellinus 26. 10. 3, with Heather (1991), pp. 101-102, 109, 116, and Kulikowski (2007), pp. 112-118.
7. Ammianus Marcellinus 27. 5. 7-10, cf 30. 3. 4-6.
8. Heather (1991), pp. 118-121, Kulikowski (2007), p. 117, Burns (1994), pp. 1519, and Wolfram (1997), pp. 64-65.
9. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 2. 1-12, with quote from 10-11, with P. Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (2005), pp. 146-153, and (1996), PP. 97-104-
Io. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 3. 1-8, with Heather (1996), pp. 98-102, and Kulikowski (2007), pp. 124-128; note the hiring of Huns by Goths at 31. 3. 3•
ii. See the brief comments in S. Mitchell, A History of the Later Roman Empire AD 284-641(2007), p. 81-84.
12. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 4. 6, Eunapius, fragment 42 gives the figure 200,000; for discussion, see Heather (1991), p. 139, Kulikowski, p. 130-131, and H. Delbruck, The Barbarian Invasions (1980), pp. 275-276; as a comparison, Julius Caesar claimed that out of 368,ooo migrating Helvetii, some 92,000 were adult males able to bear arms, Bellum Gallicum 1. 29.
13. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 4. 1-9, 12-13, with Heather (1991), pp. 128-135, and (2005), pp. 158-163, who argues that the Romans had no choice but to admit the Tervingi because of the current dispute with Persia; see also Kulikowski (2007), pp. 128-130, Lenski (2002), pp. 325-32-8, 345-347, Wolfram (1997), PP- 81-82,, and G. Halsall, Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West 376-568 (2007), pp. 165-176.
14. ILS 986, see Campbell (1984), pp. 360-361, and for earlier cases of settling external groups, see S. Dyson, The Creation of the Roman Frontier (1985), esp. pp. 105-108, 172-173, 205-206.
15. For Caesar, see the discussion of this campaign in A. Goldsworthy, Caesar: The life ofa Colossus (2006), pp. 212-223 = (2007), pp. 256-271; for the nature of surrenders, see Heather (1991), pp. 109-113, Burns (1994), pp. 12-13, 86, and Rome and the Barbarians, zoo BC-AD 400 (2003), pp. 245-247, and Wolfram (1997), PP. 56-57-
16. Zosimus 4. 20. 6 claims that the Roman officers failed to disarm the Goths; see discussion in Burns (1994), p. 24, and Kulikowski (2007), p. 130.
17. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 4. it, 5. t-2; see Heather (1991), pp. 140-142, and Kulikowski (2007), pp. 130-131, both of whom suggest that the Goths may deliberately have been kept short of food to keep them under control. There is no evidence for this, and it would have been an exceptionally dangerous plan; see also Lenski (2002), pp. 348-355; on the preparations for imperial campaigns, see H. Elton, Warfare in Roman Europe: AD 350-425 (1996), pp. 236-238.
18. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 5. 4-8, with Heather (1991), pp. 140-142, (2005), pp. 164-165, who argues that Valens most likely gave the order to secure the Gothic chieftains, and also Lenski (2002), pp. 325-328, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 132-133, and Burns (1994), p. 26; for other recent examples of Roman foul play at banquets, seeAmmianus Marcellinus 29. 6. 5 in 374, and 30. 1. 18-21 around the same year.
19. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 6. 4-
20. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 6. 1-8, 8. I-ia; see also Lenski (2002), pp. 336-
338 on divisions amongst the Goths.
z1. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 7. 1-16,, 8. 9-Ia, 11. 1-6; for this phase of the war, see also Heather (1991), pp. 142-146, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 133-138, Burns (1994), pp. 26-28, and M. Nicasie, Twilight ofEmpire (1998), pp. 2,33-242-
22. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 10. 1-18.
23. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 12. r-II.
24. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 12. 12-13. 19.
25. On numbers and for discussion of the battle in general, see Heather (1991), pp. 146-147, Burns (1994), pp. 29-33, and `The Battle of Adrianople: A Reconsideration', Historia, 22 (1973), pp. 336-345, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 139-143, Nicasie (1998), pp. 241-253, Wolfram (1997), pp. 84-87, Lenski (2002), pp. 339, 354-355, W. Treadgold, Byzantium and its Army, 284-1081(1995), p. 57, A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, Vol. 2 (1965), p. 1425, J. Matthews, The Roman Empire ofAmmianus (1989), pp. 296-301, A. Barbero, The Day of the Barbarians: The First Battle in the Fall of the Roman Empire (2007), pp. 93-112, and Delbruck (1980), pp. 269-284; see also Y. Le Bohec, L'armee Romaine sous le Bas-Empire (2006), and the review by G. Greatrex in Antiquite Tardive, 15 (2007); in general, see also R. Errington, Roman Imperial Policy from Julian to Theodosius (2006). 26. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 15. 1-16. 7-
27. On the massacres, see Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 16. 8 with Kulikowski (2007), pp. 145-147; for Theodosius, see S. Williams & G. Friell, Theodosius: The Empire at Bay (1994), pp. 20-28, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 147-150, and Burns (1994), PP- 43-45; for discussion of the aftermath of Adrianople, see also N. Lenski, `Initium mali Romano imperio: Contemporary reactions to the battle of Adrianople', Transactions oftheAmerican Philological Association, 127 (1997), pp. 12,9-168.
z8 . Williams & Friell (1994), PP. 28-35, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 150-153, and Burns (1994), PP- 45-72-
29. See Heather (199i), pp. 149-181, (2005), pp. 182-189, Wolfram (1997), pp. 87-89, and Burns (1994), pp. 73-91, with a more sceptical view in Halsall (2007), pp. 18o-185.
3o. The comment in Nicasie (1998), p. 2-54 that `despite the Roman defeat, the campaign of Adrianople shows Roman strategy at its best' is a little surprising, although not untypical of recent views of the effectiveness of the fourth-century army and empire. He emphasises the logistical failure in supplying the Goths; see also Lenski (2002), pp. 355-367 on the reasons for the disaster, who puts much of the blame on Gratian for being slow and reluctant to co-operate; on the question of manpower, see in particular R. MacMullen, Corruption and the Decline of Rome (1988), pp. 173-177, 185-186, although Elton (1996), pp. 152154 is more sceptical.
31. Ammianus Marcellinus 31. 10. 18-19, Williams & Friell (1994), pp. 36-40, Potter (2004), pp. 549-552, and J. Curran, in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 104-106.
32. On living as `father and son', see Ambrose, epistulae 24. 7.
33. Williams & Friell (1994), pp. 40-43, 61-64, Potter (2004), and Curran, in CAIN XIII (1998), p. 107; the storyof Justina enlisting her daughter to persuade Theodosius is in Zosimus 4. 44.
34. Williams & Friell (1994), pp. 125-137, Curran, in CAR' XIII (1998), pp. io8-iio.
35. Heather (1991), pp. 181-188, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 158-163, and Burns (1994), pp. 92-111.
i4-East and West
1. Zosimus 4. 59. 3, trans. by Ridley (1982).
2. For discussion of the split, see S. Williams & G. Friell, Theodosius: The Empire at Bay (1994), pp. 137-148, S. Mitchell, A History of the Later Roman Empire AD 284-641(2007), pp. 89-91, and R. Brockley, in CAR' XIII (1998), pp. 113-118.
3. C. Kelly, Ruling the Later Roman Empire (2004), pp. 26-36, 186-2,03.
4. For the sources, see G. Greatrex & N. Lieu (eds.), The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars: Part II AD 363-630 (2oo2), pp. 20-30.
5. For a useful survey of Roman and Persian relations in this period, see B. Isaac, in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 442-452; for the war of 421-422, see the collected sources in Greatrex & Lieu (2002), pp. 36-43.
6. For a summary of his career, see T. Burns, Rome and the Barbarians, zoo BCAD 400 (2003), pp. 338-339; for a discussion of the phenomenon of men moving between tribal leadership and senior posts in the Roman army, seej. Drinkwater, The Alamanni and Rome 2I3-496.• Caracalla to Clovis (2007), pp. 145-176.
7. G. Young, Rome's Eastern Trade (2001), pp. 86-88, 126-130; see also Greatrex & Lieu (2002), pp. 33-34.
8. On saws, seeAusonius, Mosella 2. 361-363, with A. Wilson, `Machines, Power, and the Ancient Economy, JRS, 92 (2002), pp. 1-32, esp. 15-17.
9. For a brief survey of the issue of rural population, see P. Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (2005), pp. ,,o-i,6, who justifiably points to the pioneering work of G. Tchalenko, Villages Antiques de la Syrie du Nord (1953-1958); also very useful on agriculture in this period is J. Banaji, Agrarian Change in Late Antiquity: Gold, Lab
our, andAristocratic Dominance (200,), and C. Whittaker & P. Garnsey, in CAR' XIII (1998), pp. 277-311, who also argue against seeing the period as one of decline. While such studies make a good case for reassessing the earlier, very pessimistic view of economic life in this period, we do need to remember that our evidence is extremely limited and caution is always necessary.
10. See B. Ward-Perkins, in CAH' XIII (1998), pp. 373-382.
ii. Paulinus, Life ofAmbrose 3i; for discussion, see Williams & Friell (1994), pp. 131-137, and in far more detail, N. McLynn, Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital (1994).
i2. Codex Theodosianus 16. 1. 2, quoted in S. Mitchell, A History of the Later Roman Empire AD 284-641(2007), pp. 247-248.
13. Williams & Friell (1994), Pp. 47-60.
14. See D. Hunt, in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 240-250.
15. On synagogues, see Mitchell (2007), pp. 235-237•
16. On Ambrose and Theodosius, see Williams & Friell (1994), pp. 64-65, 6870, and Mitchell (2007), pp. 248-250.
17. See C. Kelly, in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 153-156, & N. Lenski, The Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century AD (zoo2), pp. 8697, 142-143.
18. Gregory of Nyssa, De Deitate Filii et Spiritus Sanctis, in J.-P. Migne (ed.) Patrologia Graeca 46. 557-558.
19. For an introduction to disputes in this period, see H. Chadwick, in CAHZ XIII (1998), pp. 561-6oo.
20. See Williams & Friell (1994), pp. 119-125, Mitchell (2007), pp. 248-251, and G. Fowden in CAH2 XIII (1998), pp. 548-554.
21. The theme of the apparent power of Christian leaders and holy men as a major factor in conversion is explored in R. MacMullen, Christianizing the Roman Empire AD zoo-4o0 (1984); on the church in general, see H. Chadwick, The Church in Ancient Society: From Galilee to Gregory the Great (zoos).
22. On Ulfilas, Saba and Gothic Christianity, see P. Heather, The Goths (1996), pp. 60-62, 73-74, 85, 313, H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (i991), pp. 69-70, 72-73, 76-79, M. Kurikowski, Rome's Gothic Wars (2007), pp. 107-111, 118-122, G. Greatrex, `The Gothic Arians after Theodosius (to Justinian)', Studia Patristica, 34 (2001), pp. 73-81, and T. Burns, Rome and the Barbarians, 100 BC-AD 400 (2003), pp. 337-338, 368-369.
i5-Barbarians and Romans: Generals and Rebels
i. Zosimus, A New History 5. 26. 5 (translation by Ridley (1982)).
2. Orientius, Commonitorium 2. 184.
3. For the Notitia Dignitatum, see A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire 284-602 (1964), pp. 1417-1450, and the collection of papers in R. Goodburn & P. Bartholomew (eds.), Aspects of the Notitia Dignitatum (1976), and also M. Kulikowski, `The Notitia Dignitatum as a Historical Source', Historia, 99 (2oo2), PP. 358-377. O. Seeck (ed.), Notitia Dignitatum (1876) remains one of the most readily available editions, but see also La Notitia Dignitatum: Nueva Edicion Criticay Comenatrio Historico: Nueva Roma 25 (2005), which has far more useful colour plates.
4. On the shields, see R. Grigg, `Inconsistency and Lassitude: The shield Emblems of the Notitia Dignitatum', JRS, 73 (1983), pp. 132-142.
5. SeeJ. Matthews, `Mauretania in Ammianus and the Notitid, in Goodburn & Bartholomew (1976), pp. 157-186.
6. See R. Tomlin, `Notitia Dignitatum omnium, tam civilium quam militarium', in Goodburn & Bartholomew (1976), pp. 189-209; for the problem of multiple appointments to the same command in Egypt, see Jones (1964), P. 393, referring to H. Bell, V. Martin, E. Turner & D. van Berchem (eds.), The Abinnaeus Archive (1964) 1-
7. For the suggestion that our version was prepared by the staff of the Magister Peditum in the west, see J. Mann, `What was the Notitia Dignitatum for?' in Goodburn & Bartholomew (1976), pp. 1-9.
8. For numbers, see the discussion in W. Treadgold, Byzantium and its Army 284 1081(1995), pp. 43-64. Agathius 5. 13. 7-8 writing in the 580s claimed that the army in earlier periods numbered 645,000; on the structure of the army more generally, see H. Elton, `Military Forces', in P. Sabin, H. Van Wees & M. Whitby (eds.), The Cambridge History of Greek and Roman Warfare, Vol. II (2007), pp. 270-309-
9. See in general J. O'Flynn, Generalissimos of the Western Roman Empire (1983), pp. 1-24, S. Williams & G. Friell, Theodosius: The Empire at Bay (1994), PP- 143-158, T. Burns, Barbarians Within the Gates ofRome (1994), pp. 148-182, and J. Matthews, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court: AD 364-425 (1975), PP- 253-283.
to. See G. Greatrex & S. Lieu, The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars: Part 2: AD 363-630 (2002), pp. 17-19 for the sources for this episode.
it. On the origins of Alaric and his rebellion, see M. Kulikowski, Rome's Gothic Wars (2007), pp. 154-166, Burns (1995), pp. 156-158,176-177, 188, H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (1997), pp. 89-94, P. Heather, The Goths (1996), pp. 138-146, and Goths and Romans, 332-489 (1991), pp. 183-188, 193+; on the role of `barbarians' in the army see J. Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops (1990), pp. 7-88-
12. Zosimus 5. 4-8-
13. Kulikowski (2007), pp. 166-168, Burns (1995), pp. 158-163, O'Flynn (1983), pp. 27-38, and J. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius Ito the Death ofjustinian, Vol. 1 (1958), pp. 115-121.
14. Zosimus 5. it, with O'Flynn (1983), pp. 36-37, Williams & Friell (1994), PP. 148-150-
15. Zosimus 5. 13-18, with Kulikowski (2007), pp. 168-169, Burns (1995), pp. 168-178, and Bury (1958), pp. 126-137.
16. Kulikowski (2oo7), pp. 170-171, Burns (1995), pp. 178-193, & (1996), p. 146, & O'Flynn (1983), PP. 37-42.
17. Zosimus 5. 28 for the figure of 400,000 Goths and the thirty units in Stilicho's army; for discussion of the campaign, see Kulikoswki (2007), p. 171, Wolfram (1997), pp. 96-97, & Burns (1995), pp. 197-198, and n. 53, P. 356 on the Roman numbers, suggesting Stilicho may have had as few as 7,500 regulars plus a few thousand auxiliaries; for the drop in price of slaves, see Orosius 7. 3713-16.
18. Zosimus 5. 27, with M. Todd, Roman Britain (3rd edn, 1999), pp. 208-209, Bury (1958), pp. 169-171, O'Flynn (1983), pp. 42-44, 56, Jones (1964), pp. 185186, and Burns (1995), pp. 208-214.
19. See M. Kulikowski, `Barbarians in Gaul, Usurpers in Britain', Britannia, 31 (2000), pp. 325-345, W. Goffart, Barbarian Tides: The Migration Age and the Later Roman Empire (zoo6), pp. 73-ri8, Burns (1995), pp. 203-209, and A. Birley, The Roman Government of Britain (zoo5), PP. 455-460; J. Drinkwater, TheAlamanni and Rome213-496.• Caracalla to Clovis (2007), pp. 323-325 suggests plausibly that there may have been some warbands of Alamanni amongst the raiders.
20. Burns (1995), pp. 214-217, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 172-173, and O'Flynn (1983), pp. 55-59; the quote was made by a senator named Lampadius and is in Zosimus 5. 29.
21. Williams & Friell (1994), pp. 157-158, O'Flynn (1983), pp. 59-62, Burns (1995), pp. 215-223, Matthews (1975), pp. 270-283, and R. Blockley, in CAH1 XIII (1998), pp. 121-125.
16-The Sister and the Eternal City
I. Jerome, Comm. In Ezech. Ipraef
2. Orosius 7. 43. 5-7 (translation taken from S. Oost, Galla Placidia Augusta: A Biographical Essay (1968), p. 124).
3. Zosimus 5. 35-37, 45, with J. Matthews, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court. AD 364-425 (1975), PP- 284-287, T. Burns, Barbarians within the gates of Rome (1995), pp. 224-233•
4. Zosimus 5. 38-44, with Burns (1995), pp. 233-239, M. Kulikowski, Rome's Gothic Wars (2007), pp. 173-174, and Oost (1968), pp. 89-92.
5. Matthews (1975), pp. 291-298, Burns (1995), pp. 239-242, and Kulikowski (2007), pp. 174-176.
6. Zosimus 6. 8, with Matthews (1975), pp. 298-3o0, and Burns (1995), pp. 242-246.
7. Zosimus 6. 13, where it is stated that Sarus had only 300 men.
8. Procopius, History of the Wars 3. 2. 25-26 (Loeb translation, H. Dewing (1916)).
9. See Burns (1995) PP- 244-245, Kulikowski (2007), pp. 6-io, 176-177, P. Heather, The Goths (1996), pp. 148-149, H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (1997), pp. 99-100, and P. Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (2005), pp• 227-232.
1o. See Oost (1968), pp.
93-104-
11. Burns (1995), pp. 247-258, J. Bury, History of the Later Roman Empire from the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian, Vol. 1 (1958), pp. 185-194, and R. Brockley, in CARE XIII (1998), pp. 129-131.
12. Oost (1968), pp. 108-135, Burns (1995), pp. 258-261, and Heather (1995), PP. 148-149.
13. Burns (1995), pp. 261-279, Brockley, in CARE XIII (1998), pp. 131-133, and Bury (1958), pp. 194-209.
14. J. O'Flynn, Generalissimos of the Western Roman Empire (1983), pp. 63-73, Heather (zoo5), PP. 236-244, 251.
15. Brockley, in CAR' XIII (1998), pp. 133-135.
16. Army of 40,000 is Zosimus 5. 42; the handing over of 4,000 silk tunics and 3,000 red-dyed skins is used by Burns (1995), p. 234 to conjecture that Alaric may have had about 7,000 genuine warriors.
17. Zosimus 5. 41 for the 6,ooo men sent to Rome; Heather (zoo5), pp. 246248 has a good introductory discussion of the apparent losses and replacements in the western army suggested by the Notitia Dignitatum and see also A. Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 284-602 (1964), pp. 1425-1436 for a more detailed breakdown.
18. Orosius 7. 43, with Burns (1995), pp. 258-259; a violent argument over the oaths to Rome and earlier oaths is described in Zosimus 4. 56, and Eunapius, fragment 59 (6o), cf. Burns (1995), p. 68.
r7-The Hun
1. Callinicus, Vita S. Hypatii (ed. G. Bartelink), SC 177 (1971), p. 139. 21-
2. For a discussion of the use of the word `Hun' before and during the First World War, see J. Man, Attila: The Barbarian King who Challenged Rome (2005), pp. 302-307. Although noting that the term was more often employed by people not directly involved in the fighting, `Hun' did become a common slang term for German aircraft and airmen in the RFC and RNAS.
3. See E. Thompson, The Huns (1996), pp. 56-59, and on Hunnic appearance, see O. Maenchen-Helfen, The World of the Huns: Studies in Their History and Culture (1973), PP- 358-375, & Man (2005), pp. 63-66.
4. Thompson (1996), pp. 79-81, and Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 94-95, 125129.
5. Maenchen-Helfin (1973), pp. 222-23 and 367-369, P. Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (2005), pp. 148-150, and Man (2005), pp. 3054.
How Rome Fell: Death of a Superpower Page 59