All matter contains a mix of three ‘strands’28 which form a kind of genetic code: sattva (clarity), rajas (activity) and tamas (darkness). The social organism is sustained through the contribution of an individual’s talents. The set of talents which any person possesses is determined by this ‘genetic code’. In conventional Hindu practice, dharma is that set of obligations observed by the jati (sub-caste) into which a person is born. While there are conflicting opinions among RSS writers, most reject this notion and propose that dharma is something each person must individually discover. RSS writers also emphasize, as we shall discuss below, that this discovery takes place within boundaries set by a nation’s ‘soul’. As developed in the belief system of the RSS, every individual must locate himself in the social system so that he contributes to the well-being of the social body in a way that does not result in conflict between its constituent parts. Such a person is referred to as a karmayogin. In its most developed form, karmayoga is combined with a form of bhaktiyoga (devotional worship).
While all forms of bhakti are recognized as valid steps on the path to complete realization, one form is considered superior to all others. In his analysis of the RSS belief system Golwalkar writes:
People go to temples and try to concentrate on the idols taking them as emblems of the Almighty. But all this does not satisfy us who are full of activity i.e., karma-yogins. We want a ‘living’ God. What is the use of a God who only hears but does not respond? These emblems neither weep nor smile nor show any reaction, unless of course the persons are devotees of extraordinarily high merit. But for all ordinary persons they are nonfeeling emblems of the Almighty.29
The corporate Hindu nation is identified as the ‘living God’.30 The primary goal of the RSS discipline is preparing the mind so that individuals will act in a detached manner for the well-being of the divine object (the Hindu nation). The mental progression involves bursting through a set of circles of attachment. It has achieved its goal when the individual experiences a greater loyalty to the nation than to any other ‘lower’ form of attachment. It leaves instruction in higher forms of realization to more specifically religious teachers.
RSS practice suggests that metaphysical concerns, as such, are not a major consideration. In its emphasis on a service ministry, open to anyone with proper training and behavioural characteristics, the RSS has undermined not only the concept of a hereditary priesthood but also the mystical activities carried out by traditional priests. In a sense, swayamsevaks are a lay order whose activities are as important, if not more so, than the activities of traditional priests.
The metaphor of the Divine Mother is used to describe both the nation and the ‘sacred’ geography where the nation resides. Both are material emanations from the shakti. The Goddess may have both benign and negative aspects (creator, sustainer and destroyer). The imagery which the RSS usually employs emphasizes the benign aspects of the Goddess. The metaphor offers RSS publicists emotionally packed imagery to convey their message. The Mother image informs feelings for the homeland, that piece of earth which has nourished and sustained the people though history and is the true setting for the life of the people today; RSS literature is filled with references to historical desecration of this land. The division of the subcontinent in 1947 is described as ‘rape’. Those who threaten the nation of the ‘sacred’ geography are portrayed as lustful masculine figures. In the 1980s, the RSS and its affiliates used the symbol of the Mother Goddess in mass campaigns to inspire loyalty to the country.
The nation has a ‘sacred’ geography, encompassing an impressive amount of real estate. Golwalkar spoke of it as extending from Iran in the west to the Malay Peninsula in the east, from Tibet in the north to Sri Lanka in the south.31 One cannot escape the conclusion that many in the RSS consider the whole area an integral part of Bharat Mata (Mother India) which should be brought together into some kind of a political relationship. Golwalkar’s successor, for example, talks of a loose federation to achieve the desired unity. Issues of national integration continue to receive top priority in the RSS, though since the early 1970s senior RSS leaders have begun to pay more attention to social and economic problems.
Besides a ‘sacred’ geography, the nation is said to possess a soul, referred to as ‘chiti’ by one prominent spokesman.32 Chiti is a kind of higher law that takes precedence over any political institutions or manmade rules.33 It determines the social framework within which dharma is worked out. As we shall explain below, a special category of people are the legitimate interpreters of chiti.
The concept of a national soul rests on the assumption that the cultural heritage of India is derived from a common source. With no qualifying statements, Golwalkar wrote:
The same philosophy of life, the same goal, the same supremacy of the inner spirit over the outer gross things of matter, the same faith in rebirth, the same adoration of certain qualities like brahmacharya, sattya, etc., the same holy samskars [rituals], in short the same life-blood flowed through all these limbs of our society.34
He also wrote that ‘The people in the South were always considered to be as much Aryan as those in the North,’35 and that ‘the source of inspiration for all these Dravidian languages has been that queen of languages, the language of gods—Sanskrit’.36
Few RSS theorists have attempted any precise description of a society conforming to chiti. The only systematic attempt (as per following schema) was prepared by the labour affiliate of the RSS as a part of a memorandum on labour policy submitted to the National Commission on Labour.37
In their scheme, every worker is guaranteed a job and the job establishes the social, economic and political responsibilities of the worker and his family. The scheme provides for two systems of representation. A worker in a particular craft or skill within a firm belongs to an occupational assembly representing that skill (or occupation). The occupational assemblies at the firm and regional levels would jointly determine work standards, management of job training, research, and advancement within the occupation. All workers within a firm would also elect a firm-wide assembly. The local and regional firm assemblies would jointly determine production, product distribution, wage policy, living and working standards. The corporatist system culminates in a two-house parliament, one representing occupations and the other industries.
The scheme is intended to reduce the opportunities for both social conflict and exploitation. The major purpose of the two sets of assemblies is to establish a set of checks against possible exploitation of the workers in any part of the productive process. The authors of the scheme recommend that the workers themselves own the industries in which they work, to reduce chances for conflicts that arise from the owner–worker dichotomy. The scheme seeks to funnel interest articulation through one organization rather than have interests contend against each other through separate functionally antagonistic organizations.
However, the authors doubt whether even these institutional mechanisms will sufficiently sublimate self-interest and conflict. Consequently, they propose that each assembly must also include a kind of philosopher-king:
Unless any sabha or assembly is attended by a few exponents of Dharma those who are detached in mind, are faultless in expression and action and have no allurements to attend the Assembly the same cannot be declared as properly constituted or held.38
As people with special insight, the sages are considered the most legitimate interpreters of the ‘national soul’; they are the commentators on the higher law. Ultimately, they are beyond the laws of men, as they speak for a higher authority. This does not necessarily mean that they are saintly rebels. Indeed, theoretically, their major function is to bring human law and divine will closer together. Of course, they have the legitimate right to oppose human law and custom when either offends their enlightened conscience. The notion of enlightened sages is frequently referred to in RSS literature; however, this literature neither describes how they should be selected nor what their precise duties would be. Apparentl
y, they would be recognized for their wisdom and selflessness and voluntarily accepted as legitimate interpreters of the higher law.
The concept of enlightened sages forms a part of the Hindu tradition.39 Sages are men or women who have learned to live with detachment in the world, the first stage of realization.40 They have also successfully completed the second stage, which begins by a deep study of the Upanishads under the direction of a guru (teacher) and culminates with the recognition of the unity of self and the Brahma through a form of meditation. A person who attains this realization while living is known as a jivan-mukta. Zimmer describes the power traditionally ascribed to jivan-muktas:
The perfected saint feels himself possessed by an illimited, far-reaching, all-pervading insight, which amounts actually to a faculty of omniscience; for it is indeed a potential omniscience, not a literal, cumbersome, encyclopedic knowledge about every theoretical, so-called scientific detail . . . but an infallible intuition about things as they occur in everyday situations, or as they are brought to the attention of the saint, the enlightening teacher, in the questions and problems posed to him by the children of the world.41
Both former leaders of the RSS (Hedgewar and Golwalkar) are described in terms that would qualify than as jivan-muktas,42 and the acceptance of their special qualifications helps explain their authority within the organization. However, neither RSS leader described himself in such a way.
The RSS has experienced no major succession crisis probably because swayamsevaks believe that a sarsanghchalak has the right to choose his successor. Golwalkar was announced to be Hedgewar’s choice as the next sarsanghchalak; the swayamsevaks were informed that ‘Doctorji Hedgewar is still in our midst, in the form of Sri Madhavraoji Golwalkar’.43 On assuming the position, Golwalkar attributed ex cathedra qualities to the occupant of the position. He reportedly said, ‘the office of Sarsanghchalak . . . was like the throne of Vikramaditya [a Hindu king renowned for virtue, justice and valour]. Even a shepherd boy sitting on it would say nothing but right, and do nothing but right.’44 Golwalkar’s successor was also accepted with little overt opposition.
As we shall explain in Chapters 4 and 5, a model of the relationship between the enlightened sages and the assemblies is provided by the relationship between the RSS and its affiliated organizations. Enlightenment is acquired through training within the RSS, and the swayamsevaks who participate in the affiliates are the human instruments for the revitalization of society. The swayamsevaks occupy the major administrative positions in the affiliates; they consult with RSS leaders on unresolved internal controversies, on personnel selection, and on major issues which confront the organization. The advice of senior RSS figures is not necessarily accepted, but it is respected as the opinion of ‘detached’ individuals.
The RSS belief system is often described as conservative and reactionary.45 There is little doubt that it represents a form of militant Hindu nationalism. However, the belief system and practice of the RSS do not support the aristocratic order, the dominant castes in the varna system, and the landed and industrial magnates. The RSS defence of Hinduism is sometimes interpreted as support for orthodoxy or for the feudal aristocracy; its anti-communism is considered by some as a defence of the higher classes and capitalism. However, few RSS leaders subscribe to such views. Indeed, there is an egalitarian undercurrent to much RSS writing and practice.46 Speaking of the caste system, Golwalkar writes:
The feeling of inequality, of high and low, which has crept into the Varna system is comparatively of recent Origin . . . But in its original form, the distinctions in the social order did not imply any discrimination of big or small, high or low, among its constituents. On the other hand, the Gita tells us that the individual who does his assigned duties in life in a spirit of selfless service only worships God through such performance.47
Stating the issue in even stronger terms, he wrote ‘the work of social consolidation which is truly the realization of Nation-God can be carried on only on the basis of . . . a spirit of identity as will render us capable of seeing a beggar on the street and a great scholar with an equal eye of love and brotherhood.’48
Much RSS writing argues that the desired sense of community will be impossible unless class differences are reduced. RSS writers maintain that wide disparities in income are divisive and prevent the full development of a sense of community. The political affiliate of the RSS has proposed that the range of income not exceed the ratio of 1:20,49 and this ratio is widely used in RSS literature. The RSS and its affiliates have consistently supported the cause of the small entrepreneur and the yeoman farmer.50 The acquisition and consumption of luxury items is considered contrary to the non-materialist spirit of Hindu philosophy.51 A populist purpose can be perceived in the negative stance towards the English language. English is associated with the elites of government, business and education. Because English-medium education is expensive, RSS spokesmen maintain that it discriminates against students from poor families.
The revivalist quest for community comes out in the RSS (and revivalist) interpretation of karmayoga as action for others rather than simply as action in conformity to an ascribed set of duties. The ethical norm that underlies the view suggests a variant of the golden rule—do unto others as you would have others do unto you—for the others are you.
The application of the term ‘rightist’ to the RSS also presents conceptual problems. In placing a higher value on the well-being of the community than of the individual, the RSS belief system does approach the ‘right’. However, when it proclaims the essential goodness and perfectability of human nature, it is closer to the ‘left’.52 In advocating that each group possess a sufficient amount of autonomy to work out its own destiny, it even finds some affinity to the ‘new left.’
Some critics of the RSS charge that its belief system reveals its fundamental fascist nature. Certain elements of the belief system certainly seem to justify this charge, such as the RSS concept of the nation as an organic unit, the concept of a collective consciousness, the conception of a national soul which reveals a divine purpose, and the primacy of intuitive knowledge.53 However, there are significant differences with the European expressions of fascism that should caution one to handle the comparison carefully. In its Western expressions, fascism embodied the national will in a leader.54 The leadership principle is rejected by the RSS as a logical effect of Western ego-centred ideologies. The belief system of the RSS and its practice do impute a higher wisdom to individuals who have attained ‘realization’. Yet these same individuals must at least give the appearance of detachment and must not be too involved in the affairs of the world. At Golwalkar’s first monthly shraaddh (death rite), his successor praised him ‘because he [Golwalkar] was untouched by temptation for anything worldly, his mind was as pure and innocent as that of a child’. The present sarsanghchalak has stated that he personally does not possess such virtues, and that the work of the RSS is sustained by the joint efforts of the RSS cadre.55 Soon after founding the RSS, Hedgewar cautioned the first recruits that no man, including himself, should be honoured as the embodiment of the RSS. He decided that the flag (the bhagva dhwaj) should be recognized as its ‘living’ guru.56
Despite repeated warnings against showing excessive reverence to leaders, all three RSS chiefs have possessed considerable charismatic influence. The office itself appears to have brought charisma to Golwalkar and Deoras, his successor. Neither demonstrated charisma before assuming office. Golwalkar skilfully assumed a saintly role that brought him moral influence over the swayamsevaks.57
European fascism, like other Western forms of totalitarianism, sought to destroy or to seize control of all existing centres of socio-political and economic power.58 The RSS has not abandoned the Hindu bias towards semi-autonomous social units within which a group discovers its own ethos. Questioned on this issue, Golwalkar said, ‘My feeling is that nature abhors excessive uniformity.’ He went on to explain that he had ‘no quarrel with any class, community or
sect wanting to maintain its identity so long as that identity does not detract from its patriotic feeling’. To the surprise of some RSS members, he even applied the principle to Muslims: ‘A reformist’s attitude is alright. But a mechanical leveller’s attitude would not be correct. Let the Muslims evolve their own laws. I will be happy when they arrive at the conclusion that polygamy is not good for them, but I would not like to force my views on them.’59
While fascist doctrine traces all power to the political leader, the belief system of the RSS displays a marked distrust of political leadership. Indeed, there is a millennial hope in RSS literature that political power will fade away when dharma becomes the accepted norm of behaviour. However, it could be argued that the leadership principle is incorporated into RSS practice. In its blueprint of the ideal society, political power is held to be illegitimately exercised unless restrained by ‘constitutional’ sages who interpret dharma.
RSS ORGANIZATION
Dr Hedgewar, between 1925 and 1932, experimented with various forms of discipline that would develop ‘character’, the frame of mind necessary for karmayogins. The RSS has applied the term samskar to these techniques. Samskars are Hindu rites associated with the transitional phases of life. These rites seek to carry the subject successfully over to the next stage of life and to mould the personality according to an approved pattern of behaviour.60 Another objective is to purify the body to make it a fit dwelling place of the atman (soul). Many RSS leaders compare the organization’s activities to the Upanayana Samskar, perhaps the most important cultural samskar. The rite is a sacrament of initiation which is administered prior to a youth’s training in his duties as a member of the community.61 The sacrament symbolizes a cultural and spiritual rebirth that is attained through discipline and learning.
The Brotherhood in Saffron Page 8