Over the majestic Pontiaowski and Kierbidz bridges spanning the Vistula he saw Wehrmacht vehicles of all kinds streaming westwards. The troops shuffling wearily among them had the look of a beaten army, very few maintaining what Bor would have accepted as marching order. Many did not have their weapons.
He was not the only one who noticed. The sight of the defeated Germans fleeing before the advance of the Red Army gave the people of Warsaw hope. More than five years they had endured Nazi terror, had witnessed the destruction of the Jewish Ghetto, the random executions of the past weeks. Now they shook their fists at the vanquished soldiers, shouted abuse from behind crowds. Later in a crowded tram he heard a conductor raise a laugh by shouting: 'Ladies and gentlemen, please hurry up. The firm is departing, the firm is closing down and going into liquidation. ' Freedom from German rule seemed in sight.
Squeezing his skeletal frame into a doorway while he waited and watched the crowd for signs of surveillance, Bor wondered whether any of those shouting at the Germans considered what could lay in store after their departure. More than anyone in the Home Army Bor was aware of how opportunistically the Red Army had approached the issue of the Polish Resistance. Since entering Polish territory Red Army officers had encouraged Polish partisans into the open by requesting assistance for local advances and especially attacks on towns fortified by the Germans. This way Chelm, Lublin and many other smaller towns had fallen faster than would otherwise have been the case. But in each case local victory had been followed by Soviet betrayal. The last major action the Home Army had staged was a co-ordinated attack on Wilno together with the Red Army. Within hours of the arrival of the Red Army, a full joint briefing had been arranged by the Russian General, Ivan Danilovich Chernyakhovsky of the Third White Russian Front. Once it was over all Polish officers were arrested, the troops given a choice at gunpoint – join the Polish forces fighting as Red Army units under General Berling or die. Those partisans who had not immediately joined the ranks of the Polish Divisions fighting in the Red Army were disarmed, and shot. Only a few managed to get word back to Bor-Komorowski and Home Army Command of what was happening.
The formation of the Lublin Committee and its claim to the power over all of Poland, had drawn some new battle lines. Home Army Command, together with the Underground's political leaders had issued an immediate reply calling the Lublin Committee a Soviet puppet and forbidden their partisans any further cooperation with the Red Army. At a time of crisis Poland, in her fight for freedom, would once again stand divided. The Polish Communists had already made it clear that they took their orders from Moscow. Meanwhile the hotheads in Home Army Command would push for a last all-out effort to stake a claim on the future of Poland. The upcoming staff meeting would not be an easy one. Certain he was not being followed, Bor-Komorowski headed off for to the safe house in the Old Town where his staff officers were waiting.
General Leopold Okulicki the fire-eating hardliner barely gave him time to open the meeting before launching into a tirade about the need to capitalize on the German reversals. 'Now is the time, my friends the grey-haired giant thundered. Now as never before the Nazis are on the run. The Red Army has beaten every step of the way since they left the Ukraine and Byelorussia. Now their own army has overthrown Hitler demonstrating their total lack of faith in the path on which he set them. In the week since the coup their retreat has continued. Our forces have harassed them along the way. But it here, here in the sacred capital of our country that the bulk of their armies must pass through if they are to escape the Soviets. It is here, here in Warsaw that they are the most vulnerable. We must rise up now, retake our sacred capital ...'
Bor was too irritated to follow the tirade. Okulicki been had on everyone's case on an almost hourly basis for the last week; haranguing, extolling. It seemed that every time he began he had forgotten that he'd held that kind of speech before possibly to the same person and within the hour. The rest of Bor’s Command looked similarly pained. The problem was the old man commanded the loyalty of a great many other old men, many of whom made up the backbone of their forces.
When the General paused for breath Bor seized his chance and turned to his Chief of Intelligence: any new reports on the advance of the Red Army? The man was quick off the mark and took three minutes to effectively say no new developments. It was bland but it took the wind out of Okulicki's sails. Deflated he sat down. Everyone in the poorly lit cellar was familiar with the routine.
Bor surveyed the round for further input. 'I take that our weapons and supplies situation has also not materially improved over the past twenty-four hours ?' Okulicki muttered something under his breath but Bor let it pass. Even the hardliner knew that although the Polish Underground disposed of nearly 100 000 potential fighters in the greater Warsaw area, they barely had a dozen heavy machine guns between them. Ammunition shortages had made their training more symbolic than real. Despite British supply drops, most of their weapons were home-made petrol bombs and pistols. Bor just had to make the point to himself and his commanders on a daily basis to remind himself just how limited his options were.
'We will get what we need from captured German supplies, we must capitalize on the uncontrollable desire of our people to fight the invader' Bor held up a hand for Okulicki to stop. 'General I have no doubt about your personal courage and your desire to become a martyr. We are however responsible for our men and I'd rather not make cannon-fodder out of them needlessly right now. At least not until the chances of success are clearer than now.' He placed both hands open, palm down on the rickety wooden table before him. Doing so slowly helped him concentrate and regain his line of thought.
'Are we hearing anything new from London? The officer in charge of communication shook his head. The delays in communication with the Government in London were the bane of Bor's life. Even radio communication took four days round trip. Until early 1944 Home Army policy had been to stage hit and run attacks and avoid clashes in towns, especially the capital. With the approaching Soviets, the importance of Warsaw as a political prize and as a transport node was soaring, and it was here that the Home Army was strongest. It would be a fundamental chance of policy - one for which he need authority from London.
'Nothing. To my knowledge the President is still in Italy inspecting the II Corps and handing out medals. The Prime Minister is en route to Moscow to talk to Stalin. '
'Fat load of good it will do us.' Okulicki muttered loud enough for everyone to hear.
'I disagree General, Bor's voice was sharp, under the strain of events he was finding it harder and harder to live with the sniping which Okulicki deemed to consider his principal contribution to the staff meetings. 'It is the British who are forcing the Prime Minister to go to the Soviets but it is up to us to ensure that he does have some aces up his sleeve. He must be able to refute Stalin's lie that the Home Army is encouraging the Germans by taking too little part in the war. Instead we must demonstrate to the dictator in the Kremlin that the legitimate Government, not the Communists rule Poland. '
One of his commanders looked doubtful: That would mean a formal attempt to seize the capital. ?
'Yes Bor nodded ' it is after all what we have planned for in so many different ways all these months.'
'If the Prime Minister arrives in Moscow and we have risen and taken Warsaw or are still battling for it, we will have created an argument which even Stalin cannot ignore. London and Washington will abandon any further restraint.'
'What if the Russians just keep on going and walk all over us the way they did over our comrades in Lublin and Chelmo'
'Warsaw is too big, too symbolic'
'True but not just for us - for the Germans and Stalin as well.' What if they put us down before the Prime Minister has concluded a deal with the Soviets. '
There was silence. No-one liked the subject, but it was real.
Then history and the world will know that we tried.'
That’s just not good enough General, Bor snapped 'You wish to die
in a torrent of bombs and gas go right ahead but kindly do so in private. May I remind you that you are a senior officer in the only Army left on Polish soil loyal to the legitimate Government. We are Poland's only hope. We cannot afford to fail.'
Well then timing will be everything. He turned to his intelligence chief' You said the Russians are about 35 kilometers from here? How long before they could actually be inside Warsaw?
A shrug I cannot say for certain, it all depends on whether the German route continues. But what I do know is that we have to be in business at least a day before it happens.'
If we fail we might as well accept the legitimacy of Stalin's puppets over all of Poland straight away. From now on Colonel you will update me twice a day on events. Prepare the men but make sure that they do not act too early.
Before they closed the meeting the communications officer raised another issue: Is there value of talking to the Germans about a ceasefire? After all they claim to be a new peaceful version.’ The issue received interest but there was only minority support for extending peace-feelers to the Germans to find out whether some deal could be made. The majority, mindful of the Gestapo experience called for uprising. Nevertheless after everyone else had left Bor quietly asked his 3IC to make contact with Wehrmacht troops to find out whether peace could be made. The courier did not make it. He ran into a patrol of German military police who were less interested in the papers he carried than in the weapon. No peace feeler reached the German commander in Warsaw.
July 30
Nordhausen Concentration Camp
V-2 Weapons Factory
It was a mistake, it had to be. Dominique Lafarge was certain of it. He had come to Nordhausen’s concentration camp, known as Dora to be worked to death building the new secret weapon that would turn the war in Hitler’s favour – a massive rocket that would outclass anything the Allies had; the V2. And now he was being fed, his dysentery and the festering scabs were being treated. Either the war was over and the allies had won or this was all a cruel hoax.
Lafarge had grown up in the southern outskirts of Paris, the son of a Jewish merchant. He had studied engineering and had a reasonable job in a small engineering plant making airplane components before being rounded up in late 1941 and sent to a German aircraft factory as forced labour. His technical training had made him valuable and he had survived. In early 1944 however, the SS had taken over the plant and he and a dozen other more educated individuals had been sent off to Mittelwerk, the underground factory attached to the dreaded Dora Concentration Camp, the principal production facility of the V-2 rocket. For three months he had survived the wilful neglect and abuse. Then three days ago, Dominique, vaguely remembered it being July 25 or 26, things had changed, especially in the quality of the food being distributed. They were still compelled to work under guard but the abuse had stopped and a group of civilian doctors had come into the caverns that doubled as factory halls and begun treating the worst of the infections and wounds that the prisoners were nursing. Then the SS guards had disappeared and were replaced by different uniforms. They were still building rockets but the urgency seemed to have gone along with the sadistic kapos who had roamed the assembly line with their whips.
Dominique lay on a hospital bed while two white-robed individuals - he assumed they were doctors - examined the inflamed sores on his legs which the chains had left. They said very little. Lafarge’s German was still very rudimentary, their French apparently non-existent. They bandaged his wounds and placed him in a bed. Real sheets. Dominique Lafarge at first did not recognize them for what they were. The nurse who walked through the hospital ward a few hours later even smiled at him. As she passed through the sunlight filtering in through the thin curtains, the Frenchman was certain that she was an angel. His eyes damaged by months in poorly-lit underground caverns had been awash with tears.
It was not until the next morning a German officer walked into the ward which Dominique shared with over a dozen other inmates, that they heard the news, read out in three different languages. Hitler had been overthrown. A new regime in Berlin was trying to negotiate a peace agreement and the repatriation of forced labour was one of Berlin’s upfront gestures. They were all asked to be patient and to await the arrival of Red Cross officials who would oversee their repatriation. Dominique had cried like a little child. And he had not been the only one. He would live. He had survived. All around him men found the strength to cry with joy for the first time in years.
July 30th
Reichskanzlei,
Berlin
Beck and Goerdeler looked up as Rommel entered. The cabinet members stopped muttering, even if some like Leuschner did so grudgingly. The meeting room still bore some of the insignia of the previous regime but otherwise it had proved to be a most suitable venue to decide the fate of Germany. Hitler’s style had always included an intent to use art and architecture to impress importance and sense of history and it worked – even for his opponents. Although the uniforms of the guards of the Reichskanzlei were field grey rather than black these days, the place left no doubt that matters of significance were being decided in these rooms.
Deep down few of the conspirators had truly believed that the Allies would accept the kind of ceasefire and peace the new German Government sought. But Rommel, Speidel and the young von Haeften, together with a few conscripted old propaganda professionals from Goebbels ministry had pulled off a major coup. What mattered was that the western Allies had not launched an offensive to route the retreating Wehrmacht, rather than their failure to achieve a true armistice. Every hour the retreating Wehrmacht was putting more distance between itself and the western allies, making the resumption of real ground warfare in that theatre less and less likely. Now also some of them were beginning to realise the scale of the coup that General of the Night fighters Kammhuber had achieved. Allied bombers had not disappeared but become far more selective in their targets and that meant day raids and what seemed an end to carpet bombing. Everyone around the table hoped desperately that the terror bombers as they were known in Germany would truly end. None of them had escaped a loss or tragedy in their families as death and destruction had rained down on the Reich over the past 3 years.
Now all they needed was good news from Moscow where Schulenburg had finally begun informal negotiations. But even on its own the de facto ceasefire in France was nothing short of a miracle, especially since the night-time bomber raids had stopped. Von Witzleben who realised this was not a moment to test his popularity against that of the Desert Fox simply sat down and gave Rommel the floor. The Desert Fox’s report was short and factual. He had gambled and won a temporary advantage. But there was no formal agreement to end hostilities.
'Does that mean that the terror-bombers will continue?' Leuschner in his new role as deputy Chancellor enjoyed taking the floor. The formalities of addressing a question via the Chancellor had dropped off his list of priorities very quickly. He knew Goerdeler and the military had many meetings that did not include the cabinet. Even worse, Goerdeler, Leber and Stauffenberg seemed to be meeting two or three times a day. And every time Goerdeler would emerge to issue some new proposal. Speaking up at the cabinet meetings was about the only way to influence things. von Witzleben had to concede that he had no answer to Leuschner’s question. ‘So far it seems that the thrashing Kammhuber's night fighters gave them has made them more cautious. But right now it’s all speculation. We continue to hope on that one.’
‘Anything else from the front?’
‘We still have not heard anything formal from Moscow. Even the informal channels are not telling us anything conclusive. General Gehlen's spy networks are doing their best but no clear picture is emerging. The Red Army still has not made a major move. But all along the front shots continue to be fired and patrolling in force is taking place. There is certainly nothing resembling a ceasefire in place. In part that’s because in the center there are vast stretches of land where there is nothing resembling a defensive line in place.”
Goerdeler looked around as if he expected any of the civilians to pronounce on the military issue. So von Witzleben went on.
“In Italy we have begun the withdrawal but fuel shortages are turning into a major problem. Some of Italian partisan bands are targeting our trucks around the bottlenecks across the Po River bridges and are not interested in the ceasefire. We might have to postpone our target date there.'
'That is not acceptable, Feldmarschall.' Leber said firmly though softly. 'This Government made an undertaking and we are on trial about this one. We will stick to it no matter what!' He cast a reassuring glance in Goerdeler's direction. The latter nodded his assent. 'Indeed Feldmarschall, the Minister is correct. We cannot allow anything to interfere with the withdrawal schedule. If necessary stores or units that cannot be moved in time will have to surrender to the advancing Allies. Our political credibility among the few neutral nations depends on keeping to our timetable.'
'Understood Chancellor.' As usual when he was unhappy von Witzleben did an exaggerated display of clicking his heels. He returned to the map.
' In Norway we are withdrawing as planned. Since we still do not know whether the allies will suddenly attack, shipping continues to occur mainly at night. So far a coastal defence division and more than 2000 naval personnel have already been transferred to Germany. Most are en route to East Prussia. Gratefully most local commanders have been able to make arrangements with the local resistance forces and although it is likely that most major installations cannot be dismantled in time, we are confident that we will be able to get most, if not all 225 000 Wehrmacht personnel out of Norway and Denmark before the deadline. There are at least 90 000 infantry soldiers among them that can be immediately deployed. We might need them badly very soon if the news from Moscow is not positive. We certainly need the naval and fuel stores from Norway badly right now. The few dozen Norwegians who co-operated with Hitler's regime have chosen to either volunteer for service in the Waffen-SS or gone to ground.
The Valkyrie Option Page 24