von Witzleben was scarlet “Not in an orderly manner and not without leaving almost all equipment behind. These men..”
“Must if need be, be sacrificed, Feldmarschall. There is more at stake than just an abstract deadline. “Stauffenberg rose to Leber’s defence.
“Sacrificed !” von Witzleben’s voice was frosty. “ You sound like the man under whose backside you recently shoved a bomb, Colonel. To what end must these men be sacrificed? Chancellor I believe that this matter must be discussed in greater detail. If there are considerations of which the armed forces have not been informed, then that situation must be rectified. We need to know this Government’s policy.”
Stauffenberg shot out of his chair: Rage across his face: “Sacrificed for Hitler meant death Feldmarschall, as you almost found out. Here we are talking about Allied – western allied – prisoner of war camps. 2000 calories a day at last count and a bit of thievery of personal items. Camps where their rations are likely to be somewhat higher than what the Wehrmacht is passing out these days. And for your information I placed the bomb under a table !. You … “, he thrust out his crippled hand, “owe me an apology.”
There was stunned silence. Von Witzleben eyed Stauffenberg for a moment ready to swat this mere upstart Colonel whom he had never truly liked. He was a Feldmarschall, the highest rank in the German military structure, he had got there by fighting in two world wars, he had opposed Hitler before Stauffenberg even came onto the scene, how dare this colonel question him, lecture him. But sensing no support around the table he backed down partially. “No offence was meant.” He was not prepared to let matters go, however, “Chancellor, Can we not approach the allies in the theatre to establish how important this really is to them. As little as a week can make the difference for at least 30 000 men and lots of key material - so if we ask for another three weeks ….
“Feldmarschall, this is a civilian Government; one that will eventually be reaffirmed by a popular vote of the German people. If the Allies let us live that long. We still do not even have an informal ceasefire. The answer must be no. Besides the onset of winter would greatly limit the value of any additional time. I also suggest, Feldmarschall, that you pass this message down the line to all branches of the armed forces. The matter is closed. That is unless you have something new and substantial to add.“
Von Witzleben sat down stony-faced, and still scarlet. The look he cast von Stauffenberg would have frozen an active volcano.
“I believe you still owe the Colonel an apology” Leber was enjoying himself, happy to have caught the crusty, and to his mind antiquated, military man off-balance.
“ I said that no offence was meant, Minister. Colonel,”he drew a deep breath, “you have my apology.” The look he gave Leber would have frozen another volcano and given it a glacier on top, but it did not alter the fact that the civilians had asserted themselves. And more significantly von Witzleben had been man enough to accept it.
Careful defuse the tension, Goerdeler stepped in. “The Feldmarschall is correct in one point, there are some political, or let’s say geo-political considerations that have so far not been discussed too widely, that underpin the absolute need for the deadline to be met or better exceeded– particularly in Italy and the Balkans. This is something that has been discussed by a small task force in the foreign ministry and is not to leave the room under pain of death. “ He looked around the table. There were some surprised faces. “Yes. I WILL use the Gestapo or whatever we end up calling it, to come down on whatever loose tongue wags outside of this room. I have not yet dissolved the Gestapo!”
With that he leaned back and ran his hand through his thinning hair. “ von Trott will explain.” Adam was ready.
“The Blitzkrieg made the Reich the dominant power in continental Europe within less than a year and a half. Our troops moved into countries where we had strategic or commercial interests but which were not traditionally within other spheres of influence. This applies particularly to the Balkans. The nations who we replaced were essentially England, France and Italy. In a post-war world they will seek to re-establish those spheres of interest. It is a natural development and has happened many times before in European history. To the victor go the spoils.
Our withdrawal opens up space for these nations, well at least for France and England to re-assert their spheres of influence in the Balkans. However, this time there are complicating factors in the shape of an expansionist Soviet Union, the United States and the increased reach that modern technology gives their armies.
With the Lublin Committee, Stalin has already declared his intention to control all of Poland. He will apply the same logic to the Balkans, where the Bulgarians have always looked to him for protection and Tito’s partisans may now do the same. If the Balkans fall within a Soviet buffer zone or sphere of control, British influence in Greece, Yugoslavia, and Turkey will be challenged, possibly endangered. That threatens their position in the eastern Mediterranean and thus Egypt and the Suez Canal, the key transport link of the Empire. The French equally have maintained strong ties with Rumania and Hungary and would be humiliated if the Russians bloc their influence.
“So what we have here is the possibility of increasing rivalry between the victorious Allies over the spoils of Europe.” Goerdeler interrupted. There are ways in which we could use this to our advantage.”
“You have all heard about the tension between the three principal allies over our deal with the Warsaw Poles, ”von Trott continued,”
“Where you presented us with a fait accompli.” Von Witzleben snapped. Stauffenberg’s unilateral armistice had gone beyond what the cabinet had authorised and had undermined von Witzleben’s authority, again signalling the supremacy of civilian authority over the military. For all intents and purposes Stauffenberg was now a civilian or at least a politician. Von Witzleben wasn’t sure which was worse.
“The point is, “ Adam held out his hands, that if we withdraw from Italy and the Balkans in a way that allows the British and possibly the French to begin re-establishing their positions in the Balkans, we could greatly amplify the potential for conflict between them and Stalin. “
“What we really want is a split between the western allies and Stalin. If we can at least secure their neutrality in our struggle with Moscow that would be a great help. It would of course be even better if they came to our aid, to keep Stalin from taking over all of Eastern and central Europe. “
Von Witzleben looked unconvinced: “Even assuming that you could drive a wedge between the allies somehow, I fail to see a link to the withdrawal deadline. “
Stauffenberg, sensing that the Field Marschall was on the go again, stepped in to support his friend. “It should be obvious !,“ Lecturing the old man felt good.” The moment the Bolsheviks move against the Balkan front our lines will be pushed back. We must assume that we will be unable to hold Rumania and possibly even loose much of Hungary. We need the British to have moved into northern Yugoslavia and Greece as soon as possible. There was a school of thought that argued for evacuating the Balkans and Italy even faster but that would have cost us too many troops and thus deprived us of almost all new manpower or the Eastern Front. Equally the English would have been too busy handling that number of prisoners and would be unlikely to be able to deploy a substantial presence into these areas without land access. So the hope is that by the time winter slows things down we can have shortened our fronts sufficiently to stem the Red hordes and allowed the British to have established a secure foothold in at least Greece and Yugoslavia. A foothold significant enough for them to feel they have something to lose if Stalin pressures them.”
Von Witzleben and his fellow generals looked unconvinced. As he leaned forward to scribble a note, Stauffenberg noticed that the eagle with the hooked cross had still not been taken out of the backs of the cabinet chairs.
Speer’s head was still spinning when he sat down with his own subordinates less than an hour later. The fact that Stauffenberg had taken on
the old Witzleben and together with the civilian Leber had won, was something he had never expected. Well, but then you were never a politician Albert, he told himself. Mind still in turmoil he motioned for the presentations of heads of departments to begin. Now, six weeks after initiating the massive changes in centralizing the war economy and converting most available productive capacity to military purposes they hoped to see results. What Karl Otto Saur, Head of the Technisches Amt (Technical Office), Walter Schieber Rüstungslieferungsamt (Armaments delivery office) and Hans Kehrl had to tell him was mixed. Germany’s industrial might was growing due to improvements in efficiencies just as its resource base in the Balkans, France, Scandinavia and Italy was dwindling. The absence of British bombing was noticeable and but the American raids on the transport network were hurting. Tanks, aeroplane, truck and ammunition production was up by at least 10% across the board for all the major weapons systems. Schieber was also confident that as the conversion of civilian and research capacity progressed, another 10% increase was on the cards for the next month. The stats hid that this was largely due to the cutting of all the superfluous programmes and the cannibalizing of their raw materials. The weakness in all this were the raw materials. Critical materials such as wolfram – needed to harden steel and found mainly in Portugal - were slipping beyond Germany’s grasp as her forces retreated through France. Oil from Rumania, food from the Ukraine, vegetable oil from Italy; the list was worryingly long.
‘How long before this becomes crippling?’
There were some anxious glances around the table ‘Oil is the real problem. If the terror bombers stay away from the synfuel plants, three months before it hurts, five before we stop building some systems, seven months before we stop building most major systems.’
‘So basically we have until the end of the year.’
‘There are two factors that cannot be quantified at present and may change things’ Kehrl said ’One, as we retreat, the military’s reliance on railroads increases and thus its petroleum needs should come down. Also the sending back of thousands of foreign workers should help us with food supplies. At the same time there are substantial opportunities to acquire stockpiles of strategic materials from countries we still occupy.’
Speer cast him a sidelong glance ’I assume, Hans that these stockpiles are receiving attention and that the Reich is buying them up?’
‘We have begun that process but new sources keep cropping up all over the place.’ Kehrl fidgeted, he hated imprecision, ‘ There is also the route via Switzerland and Sweden that may assist us in accessing key items.’
‘That used to be in the hands of Himmler’s boys, right?’ Speer was aware that Kehrl, had not too long ago been made an honorary SS Brigadefuhrer.
“Yes but so far it seems that the trade links have not suffered.’
Speer thought back to the confrontation in cabinet, Germany had a chance at a semi-democratic government. He had once believed in one, even voted for it before the NS-regime. ‘Otto, Walter, Hans plan, spend and organize as if there was no time after March next year. Buy whatever you can with whatever resources you can. If there is to be a political solution that will give us a chance of saving the Fatherland then it will happen during the Christmas period when the snow slows everyone down and the soldiers have to let the politicians have a go. We must give the Wehrmacht everything we can until then to allow them to hold the Reds until March or the middle of next year if need be. Thereafter all bets are off. Do what you must I will sign and ratify your decisions afterwards in writing. Now GO’
August 11th
Foreign Office, London
Anthony Eden was seething inside. He had never been particularly fond of the Poles and their romantic notions of national honour. These were not people who understood the realpolitik that had to inform British policy towards the continent.
The Polish Prime Minister Stanislaw Mikolajczyk, known as Premier Mick for short, was a case in point. Clean-shaven and balding, he had sat down for barely a minute after entering Eden’s office in the Foreign Office building. Since then he was pacing up and down, reciting history.
‘Need I remind you sir, that in the Battle of Britain the Squadrons of polish pilots, such as the K squadron accounted for nearly 20 per cent of total Luftwaffe kills. At the height of the battle, nearly a quarter of the fighter pilots flying against the Luftwaffe were Polish rather than English. Our men were a vital part of the victory required for the defence of your homeland. Without us I would venture to say Fighter Command might have broken. And throughout 1942 and 1943 our manpower contribution to the Allied air offensive was on a scale to make us to all intents and purposes the fourth-largest allied air force. Our men have fought in this war from Norway, to North Africa to the Atlantic. Now we, as first ally are looking for your support in the defence of our homeland.’
Eden did not let his emotions show, but he had not been lectured like this for a while. ‘Your homeland, Sir will be liberated by our Allies the Russians !’
‘Foreign Secretary I do not understand why Britain will not avail herself of the opportunity granted by the negotiations between the German Army in Poland and the commander of our successful uprising in Warsaw for the use of the Warsaw airfields.’
‘Prime Minister may I remind you that the realities of eastern Europe require that we discuss this matter with our Russian allies…’
‘The realities of eastern Europe are within Britain’s reach to change, Sir.’ Premier Mick knew he was going too far, but he could not help it. Patriotic fervour was getting the better of him. ‘If you were to place British forces into the Warsaw region that would signal Moscow your intention to honour your pledge to defend the sovereignty of our nation. At the very least a token force on the ground would ensure a formal British voice in our national self-determination.’
‘Prime Minister, we have honoured that pledge already and substantially by giving your administration home and shelter. The Russians have borne the brunt of this wars fighting and suffered like no other at the hands of the Germans..’
‘That I would dispute. Sir!’
‘Prime Minister,’ Eden was heading for an explosion, ‘need I remind you of your undertaking to seek an accommodation with the Polish groups who sought shelter in the Soviet Union to ensure a broad-based post-war polish Government. The realities are that even if Britain were to send a few planes to Warsaw they would not alter the reality that Soviet Russia would be the Army of liberation in Poland. After all, my Prime Minister has already indicated to you that as the three Great Powers have expended lives and treasure in the liberation of Poland for the second time in a generation, we are entitled to insist that the domestic squabbles between polish factions do not a cause of friction among the Great Powers. Make a deal with the Lublin Committee and Stalin will formally include you in everything.’[68]
Premier Mick was not going to be drawn on the deal he had been forced to make with Churchill regarding some form of cooperation with the despised Communist lackeys, the Lublin Committee. ‘Foreign Secretary with the industrial might of the United States behind you, a few planes could not possibly be that important to you in terms of winning the war. But in terms of preserving the post-war sovereignty of our nation they would be a crucial symbol of Britain’s will to live up to her word. The symbolism of those few planes would massively exceed their real impact.
You little pip-squeak, Eden growled inside, it’s going to be the Russians with whom we will have to seek an accommodation on the continent for the next few years. The French and Germans are a spent force, and you lot cannot unite over anything even when you’re occupied. We’ll therefore need the Americans to some extent to be able to maintain a balance of power on the continent for some time. And here you are lecturing her Majesty’s Government on how she should conduct her foreign policy. You’ve needed our equipment to stay in the war since Hitler walked all over you in less than a month and now you think you could drag us into a confrontation with the Russians. … for a m
oment Eden’s anger interrupted his attention. By the time he caught up Premier Mick was already on the next topic.
‘Sir the loyalty of the Polish units to the Allied cause is beyond question. Thousands of our men have died in your uniforms proving that in the air, at sea and on the Normandy beaches. All we ask is that we are given the power to contribute to the liberation of our country. ‘
The meeting dragged on for over 20 minutes during which Premier Mick progressively raised Eden’s blood pressure by undiplomatically pacing around the office citing chapter and verse of the Polish contribution to the Commonwealth war effort since 1940. In part the Foreign Secretary just resented the other man’s ability to store that much detailed information in his head for just one speech. In the end a frustrated Premier left the Foreign Office without anything having been resolved. Although Eden had maintained his composure outwardly, he needed a few minutes to get himself under to control to avoid biting off the head of the next unfortunate entering his office.
“an army is not merely a collection of individuals, with so many tanks, guns, machine-guns, etc., …and the strength of the army is not just the total of all these things added together. The real strength of an army is … extra strength provided by morale, fighting spirit, mutual confidence between leaders and the led and especially the high command, the quality of comradeship, and many other intangible spiritual qualities.”
Field Marshall Montgomery Memoirs p. 83
August 11th
SHAEF Forward Command HQ
Northern France
General Eisenhower was also not having a good day. Any Commander reduced to step-wise occupation of ground at the rate his opponent willingly surrendered it was bound to not enter the pantheon of eternal heroes. Things in fact were going from bad to worse as allied troops were taking less and less chances. To make matters worse the French, in particular the officers associated with General De Gaulle's staff had begun to criticize the lacking spirit of his troops rather openly. He had sent George Patton to deal with them, hopeful that the General's fluent French would help get the message across. Even though both had made positive noises afterwards Eisenhower did not trust De Gaulle to revert to form when it suited him.
The Valkyrie Option Page 30