Across the desk his boss was leafing through the contents of a fourth, stopping once in a while to unfold a sketch plan or look up from a drawing and mutter, my God. Churchill had picked the folder containing information on German military aviation research. There were half a dozen supersonic bomber designs and prototypes, flying disks, photos of the supersonic Horten flying wing, design drawings of intercontinental ballistic missiles the A9 Amerikarakete, anti-aircraft rockets with curious codenames such as Rheinbote (Rheinmessenger), a rocket that flew at Mach 5.5, even faster than the V 2, the Schmetterling (Butterfly) a radar-guided anti-aircraft rocket, sophisticated radar controlled guidance systems for bombers and a whole range of other items.’
For a few minutes the PM leafed through the documents like a child unpacking a cherished Christmas gift. Then suddenly holding a sketch of the Amerikabomber a Messerschmidt design capable of delivering a ton of explosives from continental Europe to the eastern America coastline without refuelling, he looked up. Peering between the fat folders at Lindemann, his voice was almost a whisper. “Do I need to look at the rest?”
“No sir , the substance is the same. They have given us their crown jewels and they have shown that in most cases they are a decade and sometimes decades ahead of us, or anything the Americans might be working on. Whoever develops and deploys these weapons first will be the dominant European, if not global power of the 1950s and possibly a decade or two beyond that.”
“So you were wrong.” Alanbrooke had remained silent throughout but had taken the liberty of leafing through the army research folder whose contents had been impressive though not quite as revolutionary, cheap mass-production versions of submachine guns, flamethrowers, handheld rocket-launchers, fully automatic high calibre anti-tank and anti-aircraft weapons, recoilless rifles, rocket launchers, machine guns that fired around corners and the like. He did not like what he had seen. If even some of these weapons made it into mass production within the next month, the advance into Germany could still bleed the Empire dry.
Lindemann was not even in the mood to fight anymore. Accustomed to wearing down his opponents through relentless logical argument and occasional snide comments, his reputation had already suffered when his predictions about German military rocket research had been proven wrong by the V1 and V2. Now it was clear that these were merely the tip of the iceberg. Any advice he could give would mean further loss of face. It could not be helped.
“Yes CIGS. It seems that I underestimated the imagination, the skills and the technological capabilities of our opponents. I must however hasten to add that none of these appear to be operational weapons systems yet. This is not what our troops will meet on the battlefield in the next few months. What we have here is a glimpse of the future, of experimental systems that point the way to future systems that will one day be operational. They will not alter the balance of power in this conflict. “
“Are you sure?” the PM was curt to his old friend, ”my German is basic but good enough to recognize their word nuclear – atom - here and there.”
Lindemann wiped his brow and then pointed to the leather folder containing the army research, “in there are the progress reports of the nuclear research people. They seem to have cracked the physics but appeared to have only just begun operating a reactor when the project was halted.”
“Have we considered that this is all a deception.” Alanbrooke knew the answer but needed the reassurance.
“Yes and we have rejected it. Too much of what is here has been mentioned in Enigma traffic, even before the 20th of July.” As one of only 18 people cleared to see the plain language Enigma transcripts, he was on solid ground here. Much as it pains me to say so, it’s real. ” Lindeman was not a happy man.
“So what do we do with this marvellous stuff, these weapons of the future?”
The PM looked at his advisors. “How will we use them to save English lives? “
“More to the point, Sir”, Lindeman asked ”Can we use this to advance our post-war interests? ”
“Yes, PM that is the question. Because that is why they Germans gave us this stuff .” Alanbrooke leaned forward.
Churchill remained silent and puffed smoke for a few seconds. “Go on.”
“Sir, if the Prof is right and none of these systems are operational or ready for mass production, then they do not change to status quo. We will continue our advance into Germany at whatever pace, while Berlin remains focussed on keeping the Russians in Poland. Only after the war will we be able to make any use of these designs. If we are not given access to the existing prototypes then they will make little strategic difference for anything before, say 1949. And that” Alanbrooke sighed,” makes this a political issue.”
“Indeed.” The PM mused, already thinking aloud, ”to the extent that these systems could render a nation’s manpower shortages far less significant.”
Lindemann only nodded, any army that could field some of these systems in large numbers would be able to overcome far larger opponents, … such as the Red Army. It was obvious Churchill had come to the same conclusion.
The PM got up and started pacing, “They do have us there, you know. Perhaps more than they know. Their chancellor attached a letter to this signed by Colonel Stauffenberg who is now a big wheel in the War Ministry. They offer us these documents with the promise of much of their experimental and trial results to follow. They also offer, and this is significant in light of your timeframe CIGS, all of their prototypes for inspection and further research, as well as the help of the research teams should we wish to avail ourselves of them. “
He looked around the room, thumbs stuck into his vest.
“Berlin says that it is doing this to prove that it wants peace now and in the future between our peoples and in Europe. It believes that these systems could prevent the domination of Europe by the Slavs. What we are being offered is a secret means of reasserting parity with the Americans and the Russians by means of superior technology. These systems, whether we choose to develop them or we pass them on to Washington, for example as a means of settling some of our outstanding war debt, are the tools for a quick restoration of our nation’s status to imperial greatness. “
“That is if we do not share them.” Lindemann had not phrased that as a statement.
“Yes and therein lies the problem.”
“ I am not sure I follow you PM.” Alanbrooke said.
Churchill snorted and returned to his chair. “How up to date are you, or any one of us for that matter on the state of Tube Alloys?” Both men knew what Churchill was driving at; ever since early 1944 Britain’s access to the Manhatten Project, called Tube Alloys by the British, had grown more and more limited. The project leader General Groves had justified this based on secrecy needs, but had been forced to concede that his principal fear were Soviet rather than German agents. Nevertheless by July 1944 Britain’s leaders had only the most general concept of how the project to develop a nuclear bomb was going. Lindemann had raised this concern with Churchill before but both had been powerless to do much about it. Washington held the project purse strings and thus controlled its running. More than many other little issues London’s exclusion from the atomic bomb project confirmed their junior status in the alliance.
“As I said this is a political question. Perhaps it requires discussion by the entire cabinet. “ Lindemann was doubtful. Churchill barely looked up as some new exotic design caught his attention. ”Perhaps, but then we could be sure that news would reach our American friends. What I am looking for gentlemen is guidance on this. Let me know your views by tomorrow.”
What Churchill did not tell his advisors was the discussion he had had that morning with his Chancellor of the Exchequer and the envoy from the Foreign Office who had picked up Schellenberg’s briefcase and delivered the man’s separate message. The British experts had spent a day trying to tell apart the bank notes Schellenberg had handed over before opening the envelope with the clue indicating the difference. They had h
ad the look of panicked sheep on their faces when they had reported back that there was no means for the man in the street, even an experienced bank clerk equipped with a magnifying glass or any other affordable technology to tell the difference. In short, if the German went public on his ability to print and circulate these notes, there would be public hysteria which would possibly destroy the British currency and with it its economic power. Furious the PM had personally sworn everyone to secrecy. On his way back to his offices he had resolved that as long as he could he would steer a course that gave the German no reason to make good on his threat. But the first thing he had done when he got back was to call for the head of SIS to meet him that night, to talk assassination. Her Majesty’s Government would not be blackmailed.
5:20am, November 1st
East of Kaunas
Gubkin’s body was too tired to react immediately to the sound of gunfire. It was a few seconds before his brain registered trouble and already his faithful adjutant was shaking him “Comrade wake up the Germans, they are coming.”
Gubkin shot up, nearly tripping over the blanket he had wrapped around himself to keep warm. As he mechanically gathered it to stuff it into his bag, he peered out of the little shack in which he established his command post. It was still pitch dark but here and there muzzle flashes ripped through the darkness. Now he understood why the Germans had been manoeuvring all night, under the cover of the engine sounds they had massed for a concentrated night attack. There were cries of panic, shouts of anger. Clearly the Germans had caught their opponents napping. Amid the light cast by the muzzle flashes he saw German infantry storming forward and in force. There were also tanks, more than he believed possible. Already the Germans seemed to have reached his trenches. The shouts and small arms fire intensified. But when the Panzers reached and then breached the Russian trenches, they did not exploit the situation. Rather they seemed to busy themselves just tearing up the Russian lines.
For what seemed an eternity, the HE shells tore into the 184th rear area, isolating the trenches. With most of its anti-tank guns destroyed 184th just had to sit out the attack. The two guns Gubkin had in his sector were destroyed within minutes. Their muzzle flashes giving them away. Then almost as suddenly as they had come the Germans retreated. It was still dark, but somehow they seemed able to depart in good order. Behind them 184th carefully peered over what remained of its trenches. By mid-morning it was clear that the panzers had retreated out of range. Gubkin however had to report that he was now down to under 50% strength. He also discovered something else. Part of the reason for the complete surprise was that the Germans had used Russian speaking men to fool the look-outs standing guard. Two of these men stood with their hands tied behind their back just outside the bunker that housed divisional command. From a distance Gubkin noticed that the uniform looked German but where the German Eagle should have been on their chest, these men had a reddish tsarist double headed eagle on their arms. And they spoke almost no German. General Vlasov’s units had lost their first prisoners.
The next day Gubkin’s patrols probed forward past found that the Germans had once again retreated to the cover of the nearby forests. As he dug in along the line of the former German screening line, he surveyed the nearly five kilometres of open space. Any attack across this area would be bloody. The German commander had chosen well. Shocked by the night attack, his troops would need a few days to get the confidence back. The Germans were working to very different tactics and Corps and Army command would have to adjust to this.
Last week of October
Eastern seaboard
USA
The efficient young Governor of New York, Thomas E Dewey, had not been the Republican Party’s first choice to run against FDR in 1944.When he ran for Governor in 1942, he had promised to serve out his four years, so he had been very careful not to actively seek the nomination. He had let his name appear on write-ins and primaries and when the Republican powerbrokers finally made their choice his name was called. Dewey was realistic enough to know that there was broad support for FDR’s policies so he had spent most of his time campaigning with promises to manage these policies better and with less bureaucracy and less government interference in the matters of private enterprise. Initially the campaign had seemed close since FDR was pre-occupied with the European war and seemed apathetic about campaigning. But then he had risen to the challenge with a speech to Teamsters Union in late September that was widely accepted as the best of his career. The climax of the speech had been a series of anecdotes in which he defended the integrity of his dog Fala against attacks from Republicans who claimed that taxpayers money was being wasted on the transport of the animal. It had brought the house down and left Dewey looking stupid.
For a few weeks the Republicans had fought back on the old theme of corruption, inefficiency, presidential senility and the like but they lack an issue with which to shift the public mood, something that would set them apart from the Democrats. That night however he was meeting with the Republican leaders to discuss just such an issue: Since the Republican Convention some party members, citing family members in the intelligence and military establishment charged that FDR had known about the coming attack on Pearl Harbour and had done nothing to stop it. Chief of Staff George Marshall had become so worried that he had sent an envoy to Dewey asking him to keep the issue out of the headlines in the interests of the country. To Marshall’s dismay the envoy left without such a promise from Dewey but not before being told that at least twelve senators knew that the US had cracked the Japanese codes and therefore “FDR knew what was happening before Pearl Harbour, and instead of being re-elected he ought to be impeached.” The purpose of the meeting that night was for Dewey and his party leaders to decide whether to pursue the issue.
The debate was heated and initially favoured going public on the charges. Then cooler heads prevailed who argued that there was insufficient hard evidence, stuff the newspapers could use, for making the case. Thus the action in the middle of a war could only backfire on the Republicans. Painting FDR as a war monger on this basis alone would not work. Just as the issue seemed decided Dewey like the prosecuting attorney he had once been asked what if there is a case of corroborating evidence that he’s a war monger? What if we could prove that he has a chance for peace now and is not taking it. We know and have said publicly that he’s soft on Communism. We could argue that he’s continuing this war in Europe so that he can hand the place to Joe Stalin on a platter? There’s a large pacifist movement out there that’s somehow gotten much better at making its case more public recently, and then there’s all those Americans who still have family in the places FDR wants to hand to Joe Stalin. If we link all that to him not doing anything to prevent the attack on Pearl Harbour then we have him.
The next day senior Republicans began frantically calling their contacts in the military seeking information on the German peace offers, the failed Patton raid and what the President may have known about these. And although George Marshall had kittens about this one too, it never became the single big campaign issue they sought but it forced the President to respond and in doing so he created doubt in the minds of many Americans. Doubts that made many of them begin to think about the war in more than simple patriotic terms. Those that did found that there were many well-funded functions organized to debate this in the run-up to the election. These functions nurtured the seeds of doubt about the President many would otherwise have almost automatically voted for.
The Americans either wish to revert to isolationism combined with suspicion of British imperialism or to intervene in a pathetic desire to solve in a few months problems which have baffled statesmen for many centuries.
Harold Macmillan[90]
4pm, November 3rd
Kremlin
It was a day of surprises Stalin had to admit to himself. First Beria had briefed him on the cache of German secret weapons designs which had arrived as a gift in London and which a key Soviet spy in the weapons research est
ablishment, a gifted scientist and a scion of one of the biggest names in banking, had passed on to his Soviet handlers as soon as he could. It had come straight to Moscow where Stalin saw it even before another copy had been made. It was not good news. It was years ahead of what the Soviet weapons establishment well-resourced and driven by some very gifted people could produce. Stalin had been particularly drawn to the concept of the Amerikabomber, the experimental prototype of which apparently was ready for delivery to the British. A long range bomber that would outstrip even the amazing American B-29 in its range and bomb load. This was strategic material, capable of deciding the balance of power in Europe for the next generation.
“Have copies made of all material and distributed to the key design bureaus for tanks, planes and the like. I want our people to take full advantage of this. A prize for the first design bureau that builds one of these things and gets it operational. For the moment we fight with what we have. But the day will come when Roosevelt is gone and when the elites of the capitalist nations rediscover their class interest. That’s when they will band together against us, hoping to crush us with superior technology. We will be ready for them. Have the agent make copies of everything he can, even at the risk of exposure, this material needs to be ours. “
Beria just nodded, making a few notes. Stalin leaned back searching for his pipe on the desk. It was turning out to be a big day. “Now for the other matter you said that was of importance.” Beria handed him the report from the commander of the 3rd White Russian Front which summarized the capture of Russians in German uniform, not the normal auxiliaries or mercenaries but something else. Stalin quietly read the note, looked up quizzically at his spy chief, then re-read the note.
The Valkyrie Option Page 57