It is possible that the Duke of Qi understood the true meaning of Confucius’ advice. He went on to question Confucius further and was advised that he should also be very economical in the use of the state’s wealth.36 At this point the Duke was keen to retain Confucius in Qi and offered him another, larger, fief. Confucius might have accepted this generous position, especially if he felt that the Duke was beginning to heed his advice, but the Duke’s chief minister, Yan Ying, and a number of other officials put up a strong resistance. Perhaps, as his chief minister, Yan Ying felt threatened by the Duke’s interest in Confucius as an adviser. Years before, when Confucius had suggested to the Duke that he hire advisers on the basis of merit, Yan Ying may have taken this as an insult directed at him (which it may indeed have been) and held a grudge against Confucius ever since. Whether this was the case or not, it must have been infuriating for Yan Ying to be dealing dutifully with the various matters of the state while Confucius, a newcomer to Qi with relatively little political experience, spent hours with the Duke counselling him on how to improve his government. Perhaps it would have been more diplomatic of Confucius to include Yan Ying in such discussions, since Yan Ying was an intelligent man with significant experience governing the state. Then the two advisers could have shared their knowledge and experience and worked together to assist the Duke. Instead, Confucius seems to have had little interest in what the ministers from Qi had to say and was determined to guide Duke according to his own personal philosophy.
Other incidents demonstrated his lack of political sensitivity while in Qi. For example, in one case a minister arrived late for a meeting with the Duke and explained that he had been required to defend a man against persecution from a local dignitary. The Duke proudly told Confucius that this occurrence was proof of how virtuous his officials were, since the prosecutor had been willing to hear the defence. Instead of being impressed, Confucius bluntly told the Duke that if his officials were so virtuous they would have hired reliable employees in the first place to avoid wasting so much time on such disputes. Confucius’ response not only offended the minister who was late and insulted the prosecutor in the case, but it also belittled the Duke, who nevertheless apologised humbly to Confucius.37
This diplomatic weakness on Confucius’ part could be attributed to his relative youth and inexperience in the political arena. However, his dealings with other officials appear to have remained more or less unchanged throughout his career. Later in his life, as he travelled from state to state seeking employment as an official adviser, Confucius seems to have continued to antagonise other local government officials in similar ways – not so much by actively offending them, but by choosing not to engage with them at all. His confidence in his own philosophy and his lack of interest in other officials was thus viewed as arrogance by the local ministers and, in state after state, ministers sought his removal from government office. This disregard for diplomacy may explain why he was not able to maintain a position as a government adviser for long enough to ensure that his teachings were adopted as policy by a ruler of his day.
Confucius had only been in Qi several months when, in an attempt to discredit Confucius and weaken his influence over Duke Jing, Yan Ying unleashed a tirade of what may be one of the earliest recorded criticisms of Confucius and his philosophy.
These Confucians are such unruly windbags, so arrogant and self-willed that there is no controlling them. They set great store by long mourning and bankrupt themselves for a sumptuous funeral; it would never do if this became the custom. A beggar who roams the land talking is not a man to entrust with affairs of the state. Ever since the passing of the great sages and the decline of the Zhou Dynasty, the rites and music have fallen into decay. Now Confucius lays such stress on appearance and costume, elaborate etiquette and codes of behaviour that it would take generations to learn his rules – one lifetime would not be enough. To adopt his way of reforming the state would not be putting the common people first.38
These hostile words from his chief minister seem to have convinced the Duke that Confucius was indeed merely an academic, a theoretician who was too attached to the past and had little experience of the present, real world. Worst of all, Yan Ying had pointed out some apparent contradictions in Confucius’ political advice that made him appear inconsistent, or even insincere. Confucius had counselled the Duke to be economical in the use of wealth and to consider the good of the ordinary people, but he also advocated expensive, time-consuming funerals and other ceremonies that, if adopted by the population, could lead to financial disaster. The criticisms had their desired effect. Duke Jing began to distance himself from Confucius, withdrawing his offer of a fief and lowering Confucius’ official status at the court of Qi, which restricted Confucius’ access to the Duke. Eventually, the Duke claimed, ‘I am old. I cannot make use of your services,’ words that indicated quite clearly to Confucius that he was no longer welcome in Qi,39 so he made preparations to leave.
Some accounts say that Yan Ying regretted his harsh words and visited Confucius one evening while he was entertaining in his quarters. He waited until all the guests had left and told Confucius that although he had been critical of his advice, he believed that the state of Qi really needed him, because it was heading towards danger, like the driver of a runaway chariot that was racing towards a cliff. He begged Confucius to remain in Qi. Confucius, however, was now committed to returning to Lu and told Yan Ying that it was already too late for the state. He predicted that the Duke himself would end his reign successfully, as would Yan Ying, but that their successors would be far weaker and would be overthrown by rival clans. There was nothing he could do to restore the runaway chariot to its correct course, even if he were to push it himself.40
Confucius and his followers soon left Qi and made their way back to Lu. Confucius was now approaching forty. His Duke was still in exile and he was returning to a politically unstable situation in Lu. He still hoped to serve in a government position there but did not have solid connections with the clans who currently held power, and still had little government experience. His first real attempt to serve as an adviser to a ruler had failed after only a few months, and he was forced to uproot himself again. Despite these setbacks, it appears that he had already developed some of his most important political theories regarding the responsibilities of a virtuous ruler, and he still had a loyal following of students who were eager to learn from him. Perhaps in part because of their devotion to his emerging philosophy, his self-confidence seems to have remained intact and his convictions stronger than ever as he headed towards his home state and towards political, professional and personal uncertainty.
5
Return to Lu
When Confucius and his followers returned to Lu sometime around 515 BC, they found their home state in political disarray. Duke Zhao of Lu remained in exile in Qi and those members of the Duke’s family who had stayed in Lu lived there at the mercy of the Three Families, who had forced the Duke out. Although still officially merely advisers to the Duke of Lu, the Jisuns, Mengsuns and Shusuns had divided up the state and were now controlling it with the help of their large armies. Confucius regarded this new regime as illegitimate, since the three clans had deposed their own lord without proper justification. Confucius espoused the traditional belief that when rulers were corrupt, their subjects were not only entitled, but morally obliged, to rise up and overthrow them, as the Zhou had done with the Shang. This had not been the case in Lu; Duke Zhao was weak and ineffectual at worst, but he was not corrupt. When the Three Families chased him out, they had not acted in the interest of the Lu people but had merely seized power for themselves.
To Confucius, the actions of the Three Families signalled the beginning of the end of the state of Lu. He maintained that, in an ideal world, a king should rule virtuously over his realm, and below him princes and dukes should preside similarly over their states, advised in turn by wise ministers. Below them their subjects, the common people, should be peaceful and pro
sperous. Now, Lu not only lacked the strong rule of the Zhou kings, but it had also lost its own Duke and was run by its ministers. Lu’s social structure had been undermined at the upper level, so peace and prosperity would be impossible to achieve. Confucius predicted that it was only a matter of time before the ministers were themselves overthrown by their own officers and Lu dissolved into total chaos.
Leading the three clans was the Jisun family, whom Confucius had long disdained, largely because of their lack of respect for propriety and their indifference to the correct performance of rituals. He had witnessed this attitude years before when, as a young man, he had managed the state’s granaries and livestock, which were under the jurisdiction of the Jisun clan. Now that they had seized control from the Duke, the Jisun demonstrated an even greater disregard for propriety, so his contempt for them ran even deeper. The Analects provides several examples of Confucius’ outrage at their irresponsible attitude to important ceremonies, all of which probably occurred after Confucius’ return to Lu. On one occasion, the head of the Jisun clan decided to visit Mount Tai on a royal pilgrimage. Traditionally only the Son of Heaven was allowed to make sacrifices on this peak. When Confucius discovered that the Jisun leader intended to perform a highly sacred ritual meant only for the Zhou kings, he was incensed by this breach of religious protocol. He sought out his former student, Ran Qiu, who was at that time in the employ of the Jisun family, and implored him to prevent such a sacrilegious act. When Ran Qiu told him that he could do nothing to stop it Confucius was despondent and lamented loudly that he could not believe that the spirit of the mountain would allow such an indecent act.1
In another well known affront to the Zhou rulers and ancient ritual order, the Jisun clan organised a ceremony at their ancestral temple that employed the same number of participants as was reserved for the royal family. Traditionally, the king was allowed eight rows of eight dancers to perform the chanting, clapping and movements, a duke was permitted six rows of dancers, and ministers of feudal lords, such as the Jisun, were entitled to have four rows. The Jisun had eight rows of dancers, a clear signal to all in attendance that they considered themselves the equal of the king. Confucius was horrified by such a usurpation of royal privilege and declared, ‘If he [the Jisun leader] is capable of that, what will he not be capable of?’2 It seems that the Jisun and the other ruling families had no qualms about breaking any ritual traditions. According to The Analects, the Three Families also insisted on performing the poem Yong at the end of their ancestral ceremonies. This hymn was reserved for royal occasions, as is suggested in its lyrics: ‘The feudal lords are in attendance. The Son of Heaven is sitting on his throne.’ Again this irreverent conduct offended Confucius, and he questioned, ‘What application can this have in the halls of the Three Families?’3 Clearly, the families had no interest in propriety, and with each breach of tradition, Confucius believed, they were further upsetting the social order, which would have serious consequences.
A couple of years after Confucius returned to Lu, news came of the death of Duke Zhao in exile (c. 510) BC. This placed the Jisun family in an awkward position. The Three Families had not technically overthrown the Duke by assuming his title and destroying his family. They were still officially only the Duke’s ministers, and as such they were now required to arrange for ceremonies to honour him, even though they had been responsible for his exile. They were also expected to appoint a successor, and tradition dictated that Duke Zhao’s son should become the new Duke of Lu. But the clan once again flouted protocol and appointed the Duke’s brother instead. The new Duke, generally known by his posthumous title Duke Ding, was now the lord of Lu, but the Three Families held on to their power and ensured that the Duke’s position was only a nominal one. Initially, the presence of a new duke within the state made little change to its political power structure. Over time, however, as Confucius had predicted, the Three Families began to face challenges from among their own officers who sought to overthrow them, just as they had overthrown Duke Zhao.
The two officers who presented the greatest threat were Yang Hu and Gongshan Furao, both of whom held top positions as retainers for the Jisun family. These officers were well positioned in the government to observe its weaknesses and to rally others around them to mount significant rebellions against the Three Families. According to traditional accounts, both rebels attempted to involve Confucius in their plots and offered him government positions. At the time, Confucius did not hold an official post. Although he had long hoped to serve as a government adviser, he could not bear the prospect of working for a corrupt regime led by usurpers, and he believed that it was improper for a gentleman to align himself himself with such people. The idea of associating with the rebels, however, was also contrary to his beliefs, and Confucius appears to have been in a dilemma regarding the ethical issues that such an association might raise. The rebels planned to overthrow the usurpers and, as a loyalist to the usurped Duke, Confucius supported their cause. But the rebels had no intention of restoring the Duke to power and instead planned to rule the state themselves. As mere officers and ministers, they had no more place than did the Three Families at the top of Confucius’ model of an ideal society, so he could not support them. It seems that Confucius was not willing to subscribe to the notion of the lesser of two evils.
At some point during the period of rebellion Confucius was approached by Yang Hu, also known as Yang He or Yang Huo. He was the top-ranking minister of the Jisun clan and already held significant power in the state of Lu. He very likely assisted the Three Families in overthrowing Duke Zhao and, according to some accounts, he also acted against the Duke during his exile,4 so it is not surprising that Confucius strongly disliked the man and considered him a traitor. In 505 BC Yang Hu turned against the Jisun clan. He held the current clan leader, Ji Huanzi, captive and forced him to accede to his terms before finally releasing him. Yang Hu is said to have invited Confucius to work for him. Although Confucius would no doubt have delighted in the downfall of the Jisun clan, he disliked Yang Hu for his treatment of the Duke and tried his utmost to ignore Yang Hu’s offers of a government post. But Yang Hu was persistent. Taking advantage of the scholar’s high regard for propriety, he sent a gift of a pig to Confucius’ home when he knew that Confucius was away. According to protocol, when a minister sent a gift to a scholar and the latter was not home, the scholar was obliged to pay a courtesy call to the minister’s home in return.
Confucius was now forced to visit Yang Hu, but he cunningly tried to outmanoeuvre Yang Hu by timing his visit so that Yang Hu would be away when he called. He arrived at Yang Hu’s house and pretended to be disappointed when he was told the minister was out. On his way home, however, he bumped into Yang Hu, who had apparently suspected that Confucius might try this trick and was waiting for him. Yang Hu challenged Confucius in a manner that seems to have resonated with Confucius’ sense of morality and purpose: ‘Can a man be virtuous if he keeps his talents for himself while his country is going astray? I do not think so. Can a man be called wise if he is eager to act, yet misses every opportunity to do so? I do not think so. The days and months go by, time is not with us.’ Despite his contempt for Yang Hu, Confucius had trouble disagreeing with his basic argument, and at the end of their conversation he reluctantly gave in and told Yang Hu that he would accept a government post.5 There are no records of him actually working for Yang Hu, and it is possible that in this case he merely complied because he wanted the rebel to leave him alone.
The second officer seems to have been slightly more successful in piquing Confucius’ interest. Gongshan Furao rebelled openly against the Three Families and captured the fortress town of Bi, which was the main stronghold of the Jisun clan. This was apparently his first move in an attempt to overthrow the Three Families and seize control of the entire state. Aware that Confucius’ knowledge of history and ritual would be an asset to his government, the rebel invited the scholar to join him there and work in his new government. It seems that
Confucius seriously considered this offer, since he had become increasingly eager to see the end of the Three Families’ regime and to work in government again, but he met with resistance from Zilu. Confucius’ loyal student was disappointed at his teacher’s interest in joining forces with rebels, since this was not appropriate action for a gentleman. He beseeched his Master, ‘It is too bad if we have nowhere to go, but is this a reason to join Gongshan?’ Confucius replied, ‘Since he invited me, it must be for some purpose. If only someone would employ me, I could establish a new Zhou dynasty in the East.’6 Although Confucius ultimately chose not to join Gongshan Furao either, his desperation to be employed as a government adviser is apparent from this episode.
It seems that Yang Hu and Gongshan Furao were able to pose a threat to the Three Families for a number of years, but they were never actually successful in overthrowing the families, and eventually the rebels were forced eventually to flee from Lu and take refuge, as Duke Zhao and Confucius had done earlier, over the border in Qi.7 The insurrections had taken their toll, however, on the Three Families, and once the rebels had left the state Duke Ding succeeded in gaining back some of his power and employed a new chief minister to replace Yang Hu. His choice was significant for Confucius, as the new minister was his faithful but feisty follower, Zilu. Within a year of Zilu’s appointment, and no doubt with Zilu’s recommendation, Confucius, at the age of around fifty years old, finally found himself being invited to join Duke Ding’s government after more than a decade of waiting on the sidelines.
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