Although Confucius admired Zigong for his quick and clear mind, he did not apparently rank him among those of his students who possessed great virtue. Zigong did not seem to mind this assessment and himself once conceded to Confucius that he could not compare with Confucius’ favourite student Yan Hui in virtue or intelligence. Confucius’ response to this admission was revealing: ‘Indeed, you are not his equal; and neither am I.’17 On another occasion, when Zigong asked Confucius what he thought of him, Confucius replied, ‘You are a pot.’ This was not a flattering response from the Master, who had taught that a gentleman should not be like a container or vessel, with a finite capacity and a specific function. Unperturbed, Zigong then asked, ‘What sort of pot?’ to which Confucius replied, ‘A precious ritual vessel,’ showing Zigong that although he had not yet acquired the qualities of a gentleman, he was still of great value.18 Perhaps Confucius had reservations about Zigong because the latter was also very interested in commerce, and Confucius was not. According to both Confucius and Sima Qian, Zigong was talented in business and became extremely wealthy.19 The historian also describes Zigong as a shrewd political figure who was later appointed Prime Minister of Lu and of his native state of Wei. At one point in his career, Zigong served as a foreign minister of sorts and succeeded in saving Lu from an attack by Qi by skilfully manipulating other neighbouring states so that they chose to fight each other and spare Lu.20
Zai Yu
Zai Yu (520–481 BC) is another student who may have accompanied Confucius on at least part of his longest journey. Also known by the courtesy name of Ziwo, Zai Yu most likely joined Confucius’ classroom during his teaching and research period. He appears to have shared Zigong’s gift of quick and clear speech.21 Zai Yu seems to have been argumentative and stubborn, which no doubt made for lively and stimulating discussions, so he was of great use to Confucius as a teacher who enjoyed honing his own skills on his students. On one occasion he cleverly challenged Confucius with the following conundrum: ‘If a truly humane man, a renren, is told that someone is stuck in a well, would he go down the well himself to see what he could do [not worrying about his own safety]?’ Confucius replied, ‘Why would he do that? A gentleman, a junzi, can go and take a look but he is not going to hurl himself into a trap. He can be deceived but not ensnared.’22 Here, Zai Yu is trying to force his teacher to admit that a gentleman, if truly compassionate (renren literally means ‘compassionate man’), would attempt to help someone suffering without thinking of his own safety. Careful not to be caught in an intellectual trap himself, Confucius replies that the gentleman is not only very caring but also very careful, so would not recklessly risk his own life to save another.
Although Confucius enjoyed such intellectual challenges, he did not consider clever speech to be as valuable as thoughtful actions and he appears to have been repeatedly exasperated by Zai Yu’s behaviour. Once, he found Zai Yu sleeping during the daytime, which was not acceptable for his students. He declared, ‘Rotten wood cannot be carved; dung walls cannot be trowelled. What is the use of scolding him?’ He added, ‘There was a time when I used to listen to what people said and trusted that they would act accordingly, but now I listen to what they say and watch what they do. It is Zai Yu who made me change.’23 In one of the tensest exchanges recorded between the Master and any of his students, Zai Yu questioned Confucius about the need to spend three years mourning a deceased parent, noting that such a long time away from one’s other responsibilities, including rituals and music, would result in their decline. He suggested that one year would be quite long enough to mourn, as that amount of time corresponded to nature’s seasons. Confucius asked Zai Yu, ‘If after only one year, you were again to eat white rice and to wear silk, would you feel at ease?,’ to which Zai Yu replied, ‘Absolutely’. Confucius was shocked by Zai Yu’s lack of concern for his parents and respect for the traditional mourning rituals and chided, ‘In that case, go ahead! The reason a gentleman prolongs his mourning is simply that, since fine food seems tasteless to him, and music offers him no enjoyment, and the comfort of his house makes him uneasy, he prefers to do without all these pleasures. But now, if you can enjoy them, go ahead!’ Clearly, Confucius was implying here that his student did not possess the qualities of a gentleman. Once Zai Yu had left the room, he went even further and proclaimed to those still in the room with him, ‘Zai Yu is devoid of humanity!’24
Ran Qiu
Even more infuriating to Confucius than Zai Yu was Ran Qiu (b. 522 BC). Also known by the name Ziyu, or Ziyou, Ran Qiu probably joined Confucius during the same period as Zai Yu. When he was a student, Confucius had ranked him along with Zilu as someone who would make an able government minister. As predicted, Ran Qiu soon attained a government post under the Jisun clan, but he apparently failed to put into practice Confucius’ lessons about benevolence and compassion, so Confucius later revised his opinion of him. On one occasion the head of the Jisun family was about to attack an autonomous region and claim it for himself. Confucius was outraged and asked Ran Qiu why this was happening. His former student replied, ‘It is our master’s wish, it is not the wish of either of us.’ Confucius reprimanded Ran Qiu: ‘Qiu! Is it not you who should be blamed for this? … What sort of assistant is he, who cannot steady his master when he totters, nor support him when he trips?’25 (It will be remembered that Ran Qiu was equally ineffectual in dissuading the head of the Jisun clan from making an irreverent pilgrimage to Mount Tai.)
On another occasion, when one of Confucius’ wealthier disciples, Gongxi Chi, was sent on a mission to Qi, Ran Qiu granted Gongxi Chi’s mother a huge allowance of rice while her son was away. Confucius apparently frowned upon this misplaced generosity, saying, ‘I have always heard that a gentleman helps the needy; he does not make the rich richer still.’26 Eventually Ran Qiu’s seemingly blind loyalty to the Jisun family and his lack of sympathy towards the poor was too much for Confucius. When he found out that Ran Qiu was pressuring the peasants to pay higher taxes and further enrich the Jisun family, Confucius said, ‘He is my disciple no more. Beat the drum, little ones, and attack him; you have my permission.’27 Although Confucius was presumably speaking metaphorically here, such violent language is unusual for him and must be an indication of his deep dismay at his student’s lack of compassion towards the less fortunate, and his frustration that he had not been able to teach him successfully. Nonetheless, despite Ran Qiu’s inability to follow Confucius’ teachings and his Master’s despair at his lack of integrity, Ran Qiu is believed to have been one of the students who joined him on his travels. It is possible that he still hoped to learn something from Confucius and become a better man, though some scholars have suggested that he was simply going along for the ride and wanted to find a good job wherever his Master was finally employed.28
Yan Hui
Of all of his followers, Confucius’ great favourite was a young man called Yan Hui (521–481 BC). Yan Hui, also known as Ziyuan, probably became his student when Confucius was already in his late forties, just before he was hired in the Lu administration. Yan Hui may have been a distant relative of Confucius, perhaps a cousin on his mother’s side. Yan Hui came from a humble background and spent most of his life in poverty. Confucius praised him for his lack of interest in material wealth: ‘Worthy indeed is Hui! A bamboo bowl of food and a gourd cup of drink in a shabby alley: other men could not bear such sorrow, but Hui does not vary in his joys.’29 An apparently very contented young man, Yan Hui never challenged Confucius in his teachings, which sometimes frustrated Confucius and led others to believe that he was somewhat simple-minded. However, Confucius pointed out, ‘Hui seems foolish. When I observe his private conduct after he has taken his leave, it is sufficient to illustrate [my teachings]. Hui is no fool.’30 In fact, to Confucius he was the one of all his students who possessed the moral character closest to that of a gentleman. ‘Ah!’ he once declared, ‘Yan Hui could attach his mind to goodness for three months without interruption, whereas the others manage thi
s only now and then.’31 As we have noted above, Confucius actually considered Yan Hui morally superior to himself and remarked at one point to Zilu that neither of them could match Yan Hui in virtue. Furthermore, Confucius is said to have believed that his students were closer to him when Yan Hui was around, either because they liked the young man so much or because Yan Hui brought out the best qualities in their Master.
Despite Confucius’ high praise for his moral accomplishments, the humble Yan Hui apparently lacked confidence in his own intellect and questioned his progress as a student. At one point in The Analects, when Confucius was explaining to him how to practise benevolence by taming the self and observing rituals, Yan Hui replied, ‘I may not be clever, but with your permission, I shall endeavour to do as you have said.’32 Another passage in The Analects offers a touching glimpse of Yan Hui’s impassioned struggle truly to grasp his Master’s teachings. ‘Yan Hui said with a sigh, “The more I contemplate it, the higher it is; the deeper I dig into it, the more it resists; I saw it in front of me, and then suddenly it was behind me. Step by step, our Master really knows how to entrap people. He stimulates me with literature, he restrains me with ritual. Even if I wanted to stop, I could not. Just as all my resources are exhausted, the goal is towering right above me; I long to embrace it, but cannot find the way.”’33 Yan Hui’s confession helps us to understand why he was Confucius’ favourite student. Like his teacher, his wish to educate himself and cultivate his character stemmed from more than a hope of attaining government employment or social status as a gentleman. It grew from a deep spiritual need to find ‘the Way’ and perfect himself, and it was this need that pushed him on, even when he was close to despair. As with Confucius, the desire to be a true gentleman seems to have been the very force that animated him. Confucius certainly recognised this and described him on occasions as the only student of his who truly loved learning. Sadly for Confucius, Yan Hui died young (at around forty), and Confucius lamented, ‘Alas, I watched his progress, but I did not see him reach the goal.’34 His death caused Confucius great despair.
Ran Yong
Another notable student who may have joined Confucius’ group of travellers was Ran Yong (b. 522 BC). Ran Yong, also known by his courtesy name, Zhonggong, was from a humble family of farmers, but Confucius saw in him considerable virtue and paid him higher praise than any of his students other than Yan Hui. Confucius described Ran Yong as ‘good but not eloquent’, but to him this was hardly a problem, since one as honourable as Ran Yong would have no need for a clever tongue.35 Confucius believed that his integrity was in fact so great that the young man had the makings of one who could be ‘given the seat facing south’,36 meaning that he thought Ran Yong could become more than a government minister. He could rise to the position of the ruler of a state. When challenged about his student’s humble origins, Confucius countered, ‘If the calf of a plough ox has a sorrel coat and well-formed horns, would the [spirits of the] mountains and rivers refuse to accept it even though people may not want to use it [as sacrifice]?’37 This is a fine example of Confucius’ somewhat revolutionary belief that a position should be granted on the basis of a person’s talent, merit and virtue rather than their birth. His students from lower social backgrounds, including Ran Yong, undoubtedly found great inspiration in this concept and their devotion to their Master grew because of it.
Min Ziqian and Ran Boniu
Along with Zilu, two other students had joined Confucius in his early days of teaching and remained loyal to him for many years, possibly even accompanying him on part of his journey. While Confucius believed that Zilu was destined to work in government, he considered Min Ziqian and Ran Boniu, along with Yan Hui and Ran Yong, as students who possessed great virtue.38 Min Ziqian (b. 536 BC), also known as Min Xun and Ziqian, was a few years younger than Zilu and was supposedly a deeply filial son, endearing him greatly to Confucius. We have little information about his life, but he apparently demonstrated his high moral standards when he was offered the position of knight to one of the grand masters of the state, but ‘refused to take the wages of a corrupt lord’.39 Ran Boniu (born c. 544 BC), also known as Ran Gong and Boniu, was only a few years younger than his teacher and was also a man of immense integrity. Little is known about his life either, but when he was seriously ill, perhaps with a contagious disease such as leprosy, Confucius is said to have held his hand through the window and lamented, ‘It is fate, isn’t it! Such a man, yet with such a disease!’40
Boyu
It is possible that his own son Boyu was among his entourage as he travelled from state to state. Boyu is known to have joined his father’s school in his twenties, and from what we can tell from The Analects and other sources, where he is only mentioned on a couple of occasions, he does not seem to have been a particularly gifted student or one with whom Confucius had memorable exchanges. Since, at the time of Confucius’ departure, Boyu was a full-time student with his father and had not yet taken up employment, it is probable that he was still financially dependent on Confucius. If he did indeed join his group of followers, it may not have been simply out of devotion to his father and teacher. He probably did so partly for financial reasons.
With Yan Hui, Zilu, Zigong and a handful of other devoted students at his side, Confucius was blessed with both companionship and intellectual stimulation on his long and arduous travels from state to state. Although he had spent many hours in the classroom with them, it was probably in the years that they travelled together that the most important teaching and learning took place between Confucius and his followers. They confronted many challenging situations on the way, each challenge presenting an opportunity to examine their own characters, test their moral fortitude and put the teachings of their Master into practice. The journey also undoubtedly brought the group closer together on a personal level, as they spent many years in each other’s company. It is easy to imagine tensions rising between some of the students and a certain amount of competition for their Master’s praise, but it seems that they remained fond of their Master throughout their time abroad. Their devotion no doubt provided Confucius with the moral and physical support that he needed to undertake the journey. Whenever he failed to find work under a particular ruler or resigned in disappointment from the court of another, they were there to back his decision and encourage him to find another place to take his talents. On the occasions when Confucius was lost or in physical danger, one or more of his followers was there to rescue him. Finally, at those rare moments when Confucius appeared to be straying from his own moral path or giving up on his own beliefs, his students, in particular Zilu, were there to remind him of the strength and importance of his own teachings. Without the company and encouragement of his loyal students, it seems unlikely that Confucius would have been able to survive such a long, arduous ordeal and return to his home state of Lu.
7
The Wandering Years
There is very little reliable information about the journey that Confucius and his followers took between the years 496 and 484. We cannot be sure exactly where they were, at what time and for how long they stayed, but what we do know is that when Confucius and his followers crossed Lu’s westernmost border and entered the kingdom of Wei, they left behind them the relative safety of their home state and embarked on a rather risky ordeal through politically volatile territory. Once they left Lu and Duke Ding, Confucius and his followers were not only unemployed and homeless, but they were stateless and, more importantly, lordless – a vulnerable position that placed them at the mercy of the lords and political fortunes of each kingdom they visited.
During the early part of the Eastern Zhou dynasty (770–475 BC), which is known as the Spring and Autumn period, the area that now makes up China comprised over one hundred separate states, all of which were theoretically under the rule of the Eastern Zhou kings, who – confined to their capital of Luoyang and a small royal domain surrounding it – in reality had no political strength. The states around them were largely au
tonomous, and during much of Confucius’ lifetime they vied with each other for territory and power. Borders shifted constantly as the larger, more belligerent states invaded their smaller neighbours, annexed their territory and absorbed their resources. At this time, five in particular grew in strength – Qi, Song, Jin, Qin and Chu. Alliances were formed as lesser neighbouring states joined forces with each other to protect themselves from the larger aggressors, but the same alliances were often broken as soon as the larger states offered the smaller ones protection in return for help in defeating one another. Rulers observed each other closely, aware that an attack could come from any direction at any time, and they often chose to attack first rather than be attacked. Within their own states they valued military skill and loyalty from their people, and in return they offered them the protection of the state army. Without such a lord an individual had no protection, no matter how well respected he might be as a gentleman scholar.
The state of Wei
Once they left the capital of Lu, Confucius and his group set out with a chariot and some supplies and travelled 120 or so miles west to Wei. Here they planned to stay with Zilu’s brother-in-law, who they hoped could help them find employment there. When they reached the boundary of Wei, the local warden in charge of the border asked to meet Confucius and his followers. The warden apparently sympathised with their predicament and told Confucius not to worry that he had been unable to maintain his position in Lu. ‘The world has been long without the principles of truth and right; Heaven is going to use your master as a bell with its wooden tongue.’1 Such friendly and encouraging words at the outset of their journey suggested that Confucius’ wisdom was respected abroad and that the group might be well received in Wei.2 Indeed, Confucius had long considered the two states to be politically akin, remarking once that ‘In politics, the states of Lu and Wei are brothers.’3 He had followed Wei’s politics very closely and was familiar with its various counsellors, commenting at one point that even though the ruler, Duke Ling, was himself lacking in principles, his state was still strong. Confucius credited Duke Ling’s staff of fine counsellors for this strength: ‘He has Kong Yu in charge of foreign affairs, Priest Tuo in charge of the ancestors cult, and Wangsun Jia in charge of defense. Under such conditions, how can he lose his state?’4 Even though he was unsure of the moral calibre of the Duke of Wei the fact that he surrounded himself with such wise men gave Confucius hope that he too might find such a position in his government.
Confucius Page 12