Confucius

  During the sixteenth century Confucianism as a philosophy flourished in Korea, under the influence of two prominent Choson period philosophers, Yi Hwang (1501–70) and Yi I (1536–84), who offered markedly different interpretations of Neo-Confucian ideas. Yi Hwang, also known as T’oegye, closely followed the teachings of Zhu Xi and emphasised the importance of li, or moral principle (Korean: i), stressing that personal experience and ethical self-cultivation are the essence of learning. He departed from Zhu Xi in his explanation of qi, or matter (Korean: ki), which he considered were not inseparably related to one another; instead, he believed that li formed the basis of qi. His version of the Neo-Confucian doctrine not only gained a widespread following in Korea but impacted on Confucian thinkers in Japan. Yi I’s approach to li and qi was the opposite of Yi Hwang’s. He argued that the material, energising force of qi – and not the mysterious formative power of li – was the fundamental factor in the existence of the universe. His attitude to learning was more outward than inward, as he advocated external experience and breadth of learning over self-reflection and self-cultivation. Yi Hwang and Yi I are regarded as such philosophical giants in Korea that their faces both appear on the national currency.

  In the late seventeenth century, some Korean Confucians began reacting to the metaphysical aspects of Neo-Confucianism and sought social reforms in a movement known as Sirhak (Silhak), or ‘Practical Learning’. Followers of this movement, many of whom were yangban scholars who had been excluded from government office, opposed the formalism and ritual emphasised by Neo-Confucians and rejected its metaphysical nature, claiming that it was disconnected from the rapid agricultural, industrial and political changes occurring at the time. Openly critical of the current government, which they believed was not serving the people adequately, they advocated a more empirical Confucianism that was deeply concerned with human society at the practical level, and they attempted to reform the social structure and agricultural system and develop commerce and industry. To them, true learning was the acquisition of practical skills, and alongside the Chinese classics they encouraged the study of geography, agriculture and natural science. Their various reforms over the next century or so of the Choson period have been credited with helping to modernise Korean society.

  The Confucian government administration system began to break down in the later nineteenth century, and by the early twentieth century the Choson dynasty had collapsed. Korea was annexed by Japan for almost forty years, thus losing its own government entirely. After 1945, when the peninsula was split into North and South Korea, both Koreas have been governed by systems that are a far cry from the earlier Chinese-style monarchy bolstered by a large and complex bureaucracy of scholarly officials educated in the Chinese Confucian classics. South Korea is a democracy, and although Confucianism no longer underlies the government or education system and much of the population considers itself to be non-religious, a substantial majority of South Koreans observe the basic Confucian rituals, such as ancestral services and burial rites, and subscribe to Confucian values.24 These values are not passed on through schools, church services or the mass media, but from within the family. Even in the Westernised structure of South Korean society today, more emphasis is placed on the group than on the individual, and great importance is given to such values as respect and loyalty towards elder family members, hard work and discipline, righteousness and sincerity. Education is also highly regarded, and as a result children experience considerable pressure to study hard in order to advance academically. In North Korea, which has been a Communist country, and thus socially very different from the South, since 1945, many of the same Confucian values exist – in particular loyalty to the country’s leader and the emphasis on the group over the individual. Both Kim Il-Sung and Kim Jong-Il have adopted aspects of Confucius’ teachings. They have promoted the idea that a ruler has exclusive rights to make decisions about his country, speak for the people, impose a strict hierarchical social order and demand absolute loyalty, while also fostering the concept of juche, or ‘self-reliance’, which teaches that the populace are not to rely on gods since human beings, in particular their leaders, are quite capable of making wise decisions.25 However, it is doubtful that Confucius would have approved of the lack of concern that these two leaders have apparently shown for the well-being of North Koreans.

  Confucianism in Japan

  The earliest Japanese chronicles tell that Confucianism was introduced to Japan in AD 285, when a native of the Korean kingdom of Paekche brought copies of The Analects and other Confucian texts there. Although the date of this event may actually have been a century or so later, it is probable that the teachings of Confucius were known by some of the immigrants who reached Japan at this time.26 These beliefs were very likely the Han dynasty form of Confucianism, which contained elements of Buddhist and Daoist philosophy, and not simply ethical teachings of Confucius and his followers. In the first centuries after its arrival in Japan the philosophy did not enjoy popular appeal, in part because it was eclipsed by Buddhism, which was gaining in force throughout East Asia at this time. Where it did have impact was in government institutions. Prince Shotoku (573–621), who served as regent to Empress Suiko (524–628) during the Asuka period (538–710, or 552–710), was instrumental in establishing Japan’s early centralised government, modelled largely on that of Sui (581–618) and Tang dynasty (618–906) China. Shotoku adopted Chinese legal and bureaucratic institutions, establishing a hierarchical bureaucracy with twelve official court ranks, and outlining in AD 604 the basic principles of government in the Seventeen Article Constitution. The first article reads: ‘Harmony is to be valued, and an avoidance of wanton opposition to be honoured. All men are influenced by partisanship, and there are few who are intelligent. Hence there are some who disobey their lords and fathers, or who maintain feuds with neighbouring villages. But when those above are harmonious and those below are friendly, and there is concord in the discussion of business, right views of things spontaneously gain acceptance. Then what is there which cannot be accomplished?’27 This article, which maintains that harmonious relationships are the key to successful government, is drawn straight from Confucius’ teachings and shows the importance given to his philosophy by Shotoku. Later articles recommend certain Buddhist doctrines as a means of achieving this harmony. This concept of a Confucian social and government order supported by Buddhist practice and the insights of Buddhist psychology was the philosophy of government that remained dominant in Japan for at least a millennium.28

  Shotoku also looked to Confucianism as a way of strengthening imperial power. While he undoubtedly had the well-being of the Japanese people in mind, his ultimate goal as regent was to establish a powerful centralised government and reinforce the Emperor’s claims to being the Son of Heaven. Although it is often thought that the concept of Japanese imperial rule is based simply on the assertion of unbroken succession from the Sun Goddess, the idea of the absolute power of the emperor, or Tenno (‘Divine ruler’), also reflects the Chinese concept of the sovereign as the possessor of the Mandate of Heaven, an important aspect of Confucian teachings.29

  From around the eighth century onwards Buddhism gained remarkable momentum in Japan, and over the following centuries, beginning with the ruling classes, various forms of Buddhism spread widely throughout the population, dwarfing the impact of the other imported philosophies of Confucianism and Daoism. During this time, while both Confucian and Daoist ideas continued to be circulated among Japan’s philosophers, scholars and literary figures, the presence of Confucianism was limited mainly to the bureaucratic, social and ethical structures of Japanese society. In the early thirteenth century the Neo-Confucianist teachings of Zhu Xi were introduced to Japan, but because they were originally transmitted there by Zen Buddhist monks they were largely studied within the context of Zen Buddhism, the dominant form of Buddhism practised by Japan’s military rulers and their retainers. For nearly four centuries Neo-Confucianism (Shushigaku) was rega
rded by Zen Buddhists as a stimulating mental exercise that, if used properly, might point towards the same truths as Zen.30 That Neo-Confucianism was only practised within Zen Buddhism is somewhat ironic, since Zhu Xi had originally developed his teachings in part as a rational alternative to Buddhist philosophy.

  In the early seventeenth century, after a presence of 1,000 years in Japan, the teachings of Confucius – primarily the Neo-Confucian version – gained the support of the Tokugawa government, which was looking for an ideology that could help them maintain social order after decades of civil war.31 As Japan’s new rulers, the Tokugawa eagerly touted the concept of the Heavenly Mandate, claiming that they were the new recipients of this mandate. They also adopted Neo-Confucianist concepts of social hierarchy, in which Zhu Xi expanded on Confucius’ belief in the importance of behaving according to one’s social position by linking this order to a universal order. Zhu Xi claimed that, just as there is a larger universal Way, there is a Way of the ruler, a Way of the parent, a Way of the child and so on.32 Based on this concept, the Tokugawa enforced a rigid social structure known as shi-no-ko-sho, which placed the samurai (shi) at the top of society, followed by farmers (no), artisans (ko) and merchants (sho) at the bottom, and tightly controlled it for over 250 years. Confucius’ teachings permeated all these levels of society. The samurai, who were no longer called on to fight in battle, were now trained as bureaucrats and the Confucian classics formed a significant part of their education. Many samurai even became Confucian scholars and opened private schools all around Japan. The government also increasingly provided education for the lower classes, and the curriculum contained many of the moralistic, ethical aspects of Confucius’ teachings, such as filial piety, honouring family ancestors and loyalty to the shogun, or military leader. Interestingly, while Confucius emphasised loyalty to one’s parents over loyalty to one’s lord, the influence of samurai ethics, or bushido (the ‘Way of the warrior’), which stressed devotion to one’s lord over all else, created a point of conflict in Japanese culture.

  Although Neo-Confucianism undoubtedly greatly impacted on Tokugawa Japan, it is worth noting that, within government and intellectual circles, there was considerable debate over how to adapt Confucian teachings to Japanese concerns. For some scholars, such as Hayashi Razan (1583–1687), the teachings of Zhu Xi were the most effective way to order Japanese society, while later scholars such as Ogyu Sorai (1666–1728), who very likely considered himself a sage transmitting the Way of Confucius and other early philosophers,33 proposed a return to the ancient Confucian texts in an attempt to access the true teachings of Confucius. Others still, like Motoori Norinaga (1730–1801), sought the wisdom of the ancients, but not the Chinese ancients. Rather, he advocated a study of the ancient texts of Japan, and created a nativist philosophical movement that owed much structurally to Confucian thought. These conflicting approaches towards Confucianism continued throughout the period, with the nativist approach gaining increasing support in the nineteenth century. In 1868 the Tokugawa military government was overthrown and political power was returned to the Emperor. Many of the Chinese cultural associations of the Tokugawa military leaders were shed in an attempt to bolster Japanese imperial power and absorb Western culture, and Confucianism lost its position as an official ideology.

  In modern Japan, despite the nationalistic ideology that prevailed in the first half of the twentieth century and the large-scale Westernisation of much of Japanese culture over the course of the century, the influence of Confucius’ teachings can still be seen clearly. The Japanese famously regard the welfare of the group as more important than that of the individual, and loyalty to one’s family, company, teachers and government continues to be deeply valued. A good education is considered to be of the utmost importance, and school examinations effectively rule children’s lives until they reach university. Showing respect for one’s parents, parents-in-law, elders and ancestors continues to be stressed and plays a major part in social rituals and festivals. Homes typically contain a small family altar to which food, drink and incense are regularly offered, and festivals such as O-bon, held in the later summer, welcome ancestor spirits back home and graves are swept in their honour. The Japanese are also well known as a society for their exceptional politeness towards others, a quality that can also surely be attributed in part to their absorption of Confucius’ teachings.

  Confucianism in Vietnam

  Confucianism has also been a powerful cultural and social force in Vietnam. In 111 BC an area that is now the north of Vietnam and which the Chinese called Nanyue, or ‘Southern Yue’, was annexed by Han dynasty China. For the next 900 years or so the region was ruled intermittently by China and absorbed much of Chinese culture. For centuries, the everyday attitudes and behaviour of the Vietnamese people were dictated by a synthesis of religions and philosophies, including Buddhism, Daoism and Confucianism, which came into the peninsula from China, as well as their own native beliefs in honouring ancestors and heroic figures. Although, for much of their history, the Vietnamese have considered themselves primarily Buddhist, Confucianism also began to leave its mark on Vietnamese society in the early years AD. The Chinese regime in Nanyue was initially lenient but a revolt in the first century AD prompted China to tighten its control of Vietnam, by establishing a Chinese-style administrative system of prefectures and districts ruled by scholar-officials sent by the Han government. Chinese administrators replaced most former local officials, but some members of the Vietnamese aristocracy were allowed to fill lower positions in the bureaucracy. These aristocrats were thoroughly educated in Chinese language and cultural, religious and political traditions. Confucian values were promoted: loyalty to the ruler, filial piety and self-betterment through education were of particular importance. Under the Tang dynasty (618–906), civil service examinations were established for children of the upper classes, and Confucian texts formed the basis of the curriculum. Despite the creation of a solid Confucian bureaucratic, family and social structure in the region, many native traditions were retained at all levels of society, and the attempt to sinicise Vietnam had the effect both of drawing the Vietnamese closer to China culturally, while also instilling in them resistance and hostility towards their Chinese overlords.34

  When the Vietnamese achieved independence from China in AD 939 they retained many Chinese cultural traditions, including a devotion to Confucian social values. The Ly dynasty (1010–1225) established its own bureaucratic government structure and Confucian-based civil service examinations formulated on Chinese models. In 1070 the Confucian Temple of Literature, or Van Mieu, was established in Hanoi, and within a few years it became the site of an imperial academy, the country’s first university, where bureaucrats, royalty and members of the upper classes received a Confucian-style education for over 700 years. In 1407 Vietnam was again conquered by China. Ming China ruled Vietnam as if it were a Chinese province, attempting to stamp out Buddhism at court and forcing the Vietnamese government to adopt Ming-style Neo-Confucianism. Although Ming rule was brief, its impact was again profound, as Vietnamese rulers and thinkers continued to look to Ming China as a source of political and cultural ideas. The following Le dynasty (1428–1788), which reclaimed Vietnamese independence, chose again to adopt a Chinese-style centralised government, bureaucracy and educational system. One of the most celebrated Le rulers, Le Thanh Tong (c. 1460–97), was a great proponent of Confucian studies and continued to encourage them as the foundation of the Le dynasty civil service examinations. However, he also ordered the formulation of a legal code that recognised the higher position of women in Vietnamese society than in Chinese society, or other cultures influenced by China. Under the new code, parental consent was not required for marriage, and daughters were granted equal inheritance rights with sons.35

  From the fifteenth century onwards, Confucian values were promoted widely within the education system as schools were opened nationwide, offering Confucian-based elementary education in small villages. Much Vie
tnamese literature of this period was also coloured with Confucian ideals, and musical performances containing Confucian themes were held throughout the country, to help bring Confucian principles to the illiterate sections of the population. In particular, the Vietnamese opera or Hat Boi (also known as Tuong in the north), which was modelled on Chinese opera, was performed to audiences from the aristocracy to the peasantry and touched on important themes such as benevolence, filial piety and loyalty.

  During the following centuries of Vietnam’s history, Confucianism continued to be a powerful force in government and education until the French colonisation from 1887 to 1954, when the traditional Confucian-based education system was dismantled and replaced by a European model. However, Confucian values continued to play a significant role in daily life and family structures, even during the ensuing Vietnam War and current Communist rule, although many Vietnamese fled Vietnam rather than live under a Communist regime. The Vietnamese, both in Vietnam and overseas, continue to practise Buddhism or Christianity; yet a strong Confucian respect for education, intense loyalty and piety towards parents, and the rituals honouring family ancestors all colour Vietnamese culture to this day.