21. All quotes from the text are taken from Hessler, The Naming of America, although see also Charles George Herbermann (ed.), The Cosmographia Introductio of Martin Waldseemüller (New York, 1907).
22. Quoted in Hessler, Naming of America, p. 88.
23. Ibid., p. 94.
24. Ibid., pp. 100–101. See also Toby Lester, The Fourth Part of the World: The Epic Story of History’s Greatest Map (New York, 2009).
25. Quoted in Christine R. Johnson, ‘Renaissance German Cosmographers and the Naming of America’, Past and Present, 191/1 (2006), pp. 3–43, at p. 21.
26. Miriam Usher Chrisman, Lay Culture, Learned Culture: Books and Social Changes in Strasbourg, 1480–1599 (New Haven, 1982), p. 6.
27. R. A. Skelton, ‘The Early Map Printer and his Problems’, Penrose Annual, 57 (1964), pp. 171–87.
28. Quoted in Halporn (ed.), Johann Amerbach, p. 2.
29. See David Woodward (ed.), Five Centuries of Map Printing (Chicago, 1975), ch. 1.
30. Quoted in Schwartz, Putting ‘America’ on the Map, p. 188.
31. Quoted in E. P. Goldschmidt, ‘Not in Harrisse’, in Essays Honoring Lawrence C. Wroth (Portland, Me., 1951), pp. 135–6.
32. Quoted in J. Lennart Berggren and Alexander Jones (eds. and trans.), Ptolemy’s Geography: An Annotated Translation of the Theoretical Chapters (Princeton, 2000), pp. 92–3.
33. On Ptolemy’s projection, see ibid., and O. A. W. Dilke, ‘The Culmination of Greek Cartography in Ptolemy’, in J. B. Harley and David Woodward (eds.), The History of Cartography, vol. 1: Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient, and Medieval Europe and the Mediterranean (Chicago, 1987), pp. 177–200.
34. Using computational modelling and a technique known as ‘polynomial warping’, Hessler has produced some controversial evidence that throws intriguing light on the creation of the Universalis cosmographia. Hessler describes polynomial warping as ‘a mathematical transformation or mapping from a distorted image, such as an early map or a map with an unknown scale or geometric grid, to a target image that is well known. The objective is to perform a spatial transformation, or warp, so that the corrected image can be measured or have a metric placed upon it relative to a known map or grid.’ John Hessler, ‘Warping Waldseemüller: A Phenomenological and Computational Study of the 1507 World Map’, Cartographica, 41/2 (2006), pp. 101–13.
35. Quoted in Franz Laubenberger and Steven Rowan, ‘The Naming of America’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 13/4 (1982) , p. 101.
36. Quoted in Joseph Fischer SJ and Franz von Wieser (eds.), The World Maps of Waldseemüller (Ilacomilus) 1507 and 1516 (Innsbruck, 1903), pp. 15–16.
37. Quoted in Johnson, ‘Renaissance German Cosmographers’, p. 32.
38. See Laubenberger and Rowan, ‘The Naming of America’.
39. Johnson, ‘Renaissance German Cosmographers’, pp. 34–5.
40. Quoted in Schwartz, Putting ‘America’ on the Map, p. 212.
41. Elizabeth Harris, ‘The Waldseemüller Map: A Typographic Appraisal’, Imago Mundi, 37 (1985), pp. 30–53.
42. Michel Foucault, ‘Nietzsche, Genealogy, History’, in Foucault, Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews, ed. and trans. Donald Bouchard (New York, 1977), pp. 140–64, at p. 142.
CHAPTER 6. GLOBALISM: DIOGO RIBEIRO, WORLD MAP, 1529
1. Quoted in Frances Gardiner Davenport and Charles Oscar Paullin (eds.), European Treaties Bearing on the History of the United States and its Dependencies, 4 vols. (Washington, 1917), vol. 1, p. 44.
2. Quoted ibid., p. 95.
3. Quoted in Francis M. Rogers (ed.), The Obedience of a King of Portugal (Minneapolis, 1958), p. 48.
4. Quoted in Davenport and Paullin, European Treaties, vol. 1, p. 161.
5. Quoted in Donald Weinstein (ed.), Ambassador from Venice: Pietro Pasqualigo in Lisbon, 1501 (Minneapolis, 1960), pp. 29–30.
6. See Sanjay Subrahmanyam and Luis Filipe F. R. Thomaz, ‘Evolution of Empire: The Portuguese in the Indian Ocean during the Sixteenth Century’, in James Tracey (ed.), The Political Economy of Merchant Empires (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 298–331.
7. Quoted in W. B. Greenlee (ed.), The Voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral to Brazil and India (London, 1937), pp. 123–4.
8. Quoted in Carlos Quirino (ed.), First Voyage around the World by Antonio Pigafetta and ‘De Moluccis Insulis’ by Maximilianus Transylvanus (Manila, 1969), pp. 112–13.
9. See Richard Hennig, ‘The Representation on Maps of the Magalhães Straits before their Discovery’, Imago Mundi, 5 (1948), pp. 32–7.
10. See Edward Heawood, ‘The World Map before and after Magellan’s Voyage’, Geographical Journal, 57 (1921), pp. 431–42.
11. Lord Stanley of Alderley (ed.), The First Voyage around the World by Magellan (London, 1874), p. 257.
12. Quoted in Marcel Destombes, ‘The Chart of Magellan’, Imago Mundi, 12 (1955), pp. 65–88, at p. 68.
13. Quoted in R. A. Skelton (ed.), Magellan’s Voyage: A Narrative Account of the First Circumnavigation, 2 vols. (New Haven, 1969), vol. 1, p. 128.
14. Quoted in Samuel Eliot Morison, The European Discovery of America: The Northern Voyages, A.D. 500–16 (Oxford, 1974), p. 473.
15. Quoted in Quirino, First Voyage around the World, pp. 112–13; Julia Cartwright (ed.), Isabella d’Este, Marchioness of Mantua 1474–1539: A Study of the Renaissance, 2 vols. (London, 1903), vol. 2, pp. 225–6.
16. Quoted in Morison, European Discovery, p. 472.
17. Peter Martyr, The Decades of the Newe Worlde, trans. Richard Eden (London, 1555), p. 242.
18. Antonio Barrera-Osorio, Experiencing Nature: The Spanish American Empire and the Early Scientific Revolution (Austin, Tex., 2006), pp. 29–55; Maria M. Portuondo, Secret Science: Spanish Cosmography and the New World (Chicago, 2009).
19. Destombes, ‘The Chart of Magellan’, p. 78.
20. L. A. Vigneras, ‘The Cartographer Diogo Ribeiro’, Imago Mundi, 16 (1962), pp. 76–83.
21. Quoted in Destombes, ‘The Chart of Magellan’, p. 78.
22. Bartholomew Leonardo de Argensola, The Discovery and Conquest of the Molucco Islands (London, 1708).
23. Quoted in Emma H. Blair and James A. Robertson (eds.), The Philippine Islands: 1493–1898, 55 vols. (Cleveland, 1903–9), vol. 1, pp. 176–7.
24. Peter Martyr, The Decades of the Newe Worlde, p. 242.
25. Quoted in Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, vol. 1, pp. 209–10.
26. Ibid., p. 201.
27. Ibid., p. 197.
28. Ibid., p. 205.
29. Quoted in Vigneras, ‘Ribeiro’, p. 77.
30. Quoted in Armado Cortesão and Avelino Teixeira da Mota, Portugaliae Monumenta Cartographica, 6 vols. (Lisbon, 1960–62), vol. 1, p. 97.
31. Vigneras, ‘Ribeiro’, pp. 78–9.
32. Surekha Davies, ‘The Navigational Iconography of Diogo Ribeiro’s 1529 Vatican Planisphere’, Imago Mundi, 55 (2003), pp. 103–12.
33. Bailey W. Diffie and George D. Winius, Foundations of the Portuguese Empire, 1415–1580 (Minneapolis, 1977), p. 283.
34. Robert Thorne, ‘A Declaration of the Indies’, in Richard Hakluyt, Divers Voyages Touching America (London, 1582), sig. C3.
35. Quoted in Cortesão and da Mota, Portugaliae Monumenta Cartographica, vol. 1, p. 100.
36. Davenport, European Treaties, p. 188.
37. Ibid., pp. 186–97.
38. Jerry Brotton, Trading Territories: Mapping the Early Modern World (London, 1997), pp. 143–4.
39. Quoted in Cortesão and da Mota, Portugaliae Monumenta Cartographica, vol. 1, p. 102.
40. Konrad Eisenbichler, ‘Charles V in Bologna: The Self-Fashioning of a Man and a City’, Renaissance Studies, 13/4 (2008), pp. 430–39.
41. Jerry Brotton and Lisa Jardine, Global Interests: Renaissance Art between East and We
st (London, 2000), pp. 49–62.
CHAPTER 7. TOLERATION: GERARD MERCATOR, WORLD MAP, 1569
1. For the most comprehensive account of the heresy executions, see H. Averdunk and J. Müller-Reinhard, Gerhard Mercator und die Geographen unter seinen Nachkommen (Gotha, 1904). For the most recent English-language biography of Mercator, see Nicholas Crane, Mercator: The Man who Mapped the Planet (London, 2003).
2. Paul Arblaster, ‘“Totius Mundi Emporium”: Antwerp as a Centre for Vernacular Bible Translations, 1523–1545’, in Arie-Jan Gelderblom, Jan L. de Jong and Marc van Vaeck (eds.), The Low Countries as a Crossroads of Religious Belief (Leiden, 2004), pp. 14–15.
3. William Monter, ‘Heresy Executions in Reformation Europe, 1520–1565’, in Ole Peter Grell and Bob Scribner (eds.), Tolerance and Intolerance in the European Reformation (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 48–64.
4. Karl Marx, ‘The Eighteenth Brumaire of Napoleon Bonaparte’ (1852), in David McLellan (ed.), Karl Marx: Selected Writings (Oxford, 2nd edn. 2000), pp. 329–55.
5. The preceding lines and the concept of ‘self-fashioning’ are deeply indebted to Stephen Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare (Chicago, 1980), pp. 1–2.
6. Quoted in Crane, Mercator, p. 193.
7. Ibid., p. 194.
8. Ibid., p. 44.
9. Quoted in A. S. Osley (ed.), Mercator: A Monograph on the Lettering of Maps, etc. in the 16th Century Netherlands with a Facsimile and Translation of his Treatise on the Italic Hand and a Translation of Ghim’s ‘Vita Mercatoris’ (London, 1969), p. 185.
10. Quoted in Peter van der Krogt, Globi Neerlandici: The Production of Globes in the Low Countries (Utrecht, 1993), p. 42.
11. On the globe, see ibid., pp. 53–5; Robert Haardt, ‘The Globe of Gemma Frisius’, Imago Mundi, 9 (1952), pp. 109–10. On the cost of globes, see Steven Vanden Broeke, The Limits of Influence: Pico, Louvain and the Crisis of Astrology (Leiden, 2003).
12. Quoted in Robert W. Karrow, Jr., Mapmakers of the Sixteenth Century and their Maps: Bio-Bibliographies of the Cartographers of Abraham Ortelius, 1570 (Chicago, 1993), p. 377.
13. Quoted in M. Büttner, ‘The Significance of the Reformation for the Reorientation of Geography in Lutheran Germany’, History of Science, 17 (1979), pp. 151–69, at p. 160.
14. The following passages are deeply indebted to Catherine Delano-Smith and Elizabeth Morley Ingram, Maps in Bibles, 1500–1600: An Illustrated Catalogue (Geneva, 1991), and Delano-Smith, ‘Maps as Art and Science: Maps in Sixteenth Century Bibles’, Imago Mundi, 42 (1990), pp. 65–83.
15. Quoted in Delano-Smith and Morley, Maps in Bibles, p. xxvi.
16. Delano-Smith, ‘Maps as Art’, p. 67.
17. Quoted in Delano-Smith and Morley, Maps in Bibles, p. xxv.
18. Robert Karrow, ‘Centers of Map Publishing in Europe, 1472–1600’, in David Woodward (ed.), The History of Cartography, vol. 3: Cartography in the European Renaissance, pt. 1 (Chicago, 2007), pp. 618–19.
19. On the history of Renaissance map projections, see Johannes Keuning, ‘A History of Geographical Map Projections until 1600’, Imago Mundi, 12 (1955), pp. 1–24; John P. Snyder, Flattening the Earth: Two Thousand Years of Map Projections (Chicago, 1993), and his ‘Map Projections in the Renaissance’, in David Woodward (ed.), The History of Cartography, vol.3: Cartography in the European Renaissance, pt.1(Chicago, 2007), pp. 365–81.
20. Rodney W. Shirley, The Mapping of the World: Early Printed World Maps, 1472–1700 (London, 1983), p. 84.
21. See Robert L. Sharp, ‘Donne’s “Good-Morrow” and Cordiform Maps’, Modern Language Notes, 69/7 (1954), pp. 493–5; Julia M. Walker, ‘The Visual Paradigm of “The Good-Morrow”: Donne’s Cosmographical Glasse’, Review of English Studies, 37/145 (1986), pp. 61–5.
22. Eric Jager, The Book of the Heart (Chicago, 2000), pp. 139, 143.
23. William Harris Stahl (ed.), Commentary on the Dream of Scipio by Macrobius (Columbia, NY, 1952), pp. 72, 216.
24. Quoted in Denis Cosgrove, Apollo’s Eye: A Cartographic Genealogy of the Earth in the Western Imagination (Baltimore, 2001), p. 49.
25. Giorgio Mangani, ‘Abraham Ortelius and the Hermetic Meaning of the Cordiform Projection’, Imago Mundi, 50 (1998), pp. 59–83. On Melanchthon, see Crane, Mercator, p. 96.
26. Quoted in Osley, Mercator, p. 186.
27. See Geoffrey Parker, The Dutch Revolt (London, 1979), p. 33.
28. Rolf Kirmse, ‘Die grosse Flandernkarte Gerhard Mercators (1540) – ein Politicum?’, Duisburger Forschungen, l (1957), pp. 1–44; Crane, Mercator, pp. 102–10.
29. See Marc Boone, ‘Urban Space and Political Conflict in Late Medieval Flanders’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 32/4 (2002), pp. 621–40.
30. Diarmaid MacCulloch, Reformation: Europe’s House Divided, 1490–1700 (London, 2003), pp. 75, 207–8.
31. Quoted in Rienk Vermij, ‘Mercator and the Reformation’, in Manfred Büttner and René Dirven (eds.), Mercator und Wandlungen der Wissenschaften im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert (Bochum, 1993), pp. 77–90, at p. 85.
32. Alison Anderson, On the Verge of War: International Relations and the Jülich-Kleve Succession Crises (Boston, 1999) , pp. 18–21.
33. Andrew Taylor, The World of Gerard Mercator: The Man who Revolutionised Geography (London, 2005), pp. 128–9.
34. Quoted in Crane, Mercator, p. 160.
35. Karrow, Mapmakers of the Sixteenth Century, p. 386.
36. Quoted in Crane, Mercator, p. 194.
37. On the crisis of sixteenth-century cosmography, see Frank Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World: The Geographical Imagination in the Age of Discovery, trans. David Fausett (Oxford, 1994), and Denis Cosgrove, ‘Images of Renaissance Cosmography, 1450–1650’, in Woodward, History of Cartography, vol. 3, pt. 1; on chronology, see Anthony Grafton, ‘Joseph Scaliger and Historical Chronology: The Rise and Fall of a Discipline’, History and Theory, 14/2 (1975), pp. 156–85, ‘Dating History: The Renaissance and the Reformation of Chronology’, Daedalus, 132/2 (2003), pp. 74–85, and Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of Classical Scholarship, vol. 2: Historical Chronology (Oxford, 1993).
38. Quoted ibid., p. 13.
39. Ibid., p. 9.
40. Quoted in Vermij, ‘Mercator and the Reformation’, p. 86.
41. On Mercator’s Chronologia, see Rienk Vermij, ‘Gerard Mercator and the Science of Chronology’, in Hans Blotevogel and Rienk Vermij (eds.), Gerhard Mercator und die geistigen Strömungen des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts (Bochum, 1995), pp. 189–98.
42. Ibid., p. 192.
43. Grafton, ‘Dating History’, p. 75.
44. On this view of cosmography, see Cosgrove, Apollo’s Eye; Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World.
45. All quotes from the map’s legends are taken from the anonymous article, ‘Text and Translation of the Legends of the Original Chart of the World by Gerhard Mercator, Issued in 1569’, Hydrographic Review, 9 (1932), pp. 7–45.
46. On loxodromes, see James Alexander, ‘Loxodromes: A Rhumb Way to Go’, Mathematics Magazine, 7/5 (2004), pp. 349–56; Mark Monmonier, Rhumb Lines and Map Wars: A Social History of the Mercator Map Projection (Chicago, 2004), pp. 1–24.
47. See Lloyd A. Brown, The Story of Maps (New York, 1949), p. 137.
48. Monmonier, Rhumb Lines and Map Wars, pp. 4–5.
49. William Borough, A Discourse on the Variation of the Compass, quoted in E. J. S. Parsons and W. F. Morris, ‘Edward Wright and his Work’, Imago Mundi, 3 (1939), pp. 61–71, at p. 63.
50. Eileen Reeves, ‘Reading Maps’, Word and Image, 9/1 (1993), pp. 51–65.
51. Gerardus Mercator, Atlas sive cosmographicae meditationes de fabrica mundi et fabricate figura (CD-ROM, Oakland, Calif., 2000), p. 106.
52. Ibid.
53. Ibid., p. 107.
54. Quoted in Lucia Nuti, ‘The Wo
rld Map as an Emblem: Abraham Ortelius and the Stoic Contemplation’, Imago Mundi, 55 (2003), pp. 38–55, at p. 54.
55. See Lestringant, Mapping the Renaissance World, p. 130; Cosgrove, ‘Images of Renaissance Cosmography’, p. 98.
56. David Harvey, ‘Cosmopolitanism and the Banality of Geographical Evils’, Public Culture, 12/2 (2000), pp. 529–64, at p. 549.
CHAPTER 8. MONEY: JOAN BLAEU, ATLAS MAIOR, 1662
1. Quoted in Maarten Prak, The Dutch Republic in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 2005), p. 262.
2. On Blaeu’s map, see Minako Debergh, ‘A Comparative Study of Two Dutch Maps, Preserved in the Tokyo National Museum: Joan Blaeu’s Wall Map of the World in Two Hemispheres, 1648 and its Revision ca. 1678 by N. Visscher’, Imago Mundi, 35 (1983), pp. 20–36.
3. Derek Croxton, ‘The Peace of Westphalia of 1648 and the Origins of Sovereignty’, International History Review, 21/3 (1999), pp. 569–91.
4. Oscar Gelderblom and Joost Jonker, ‘Completing a Financial Revolution: The Finance of the Dutch East India Trade and the Rise of the Amsterdam Capital Market, 1595–1612’, Journal of Economic History, 64/3 (2004), pp. 641–72; Jan de Vries and Ad van der Woude, The First Modern Economy: Success, Failure and Perseverance of the Dutch Economy, 1500–1815 (Cambridge, 1997).
5. Kees Zandvliet, Mapping for Money: Maps, Plans and Topographic Paintings and their Role in Dutch Overseas Expansion during the 16th and 17th Centuries (Amsterdam, 1998), pp. 33–51.
6. Cornelis Koeman, Günter Schilder, Marco van Egmond and Peter van der Krogt, ‘Commercial Cartography and Map Production in the Low Countries, 1500–ca. 1672’, in David Woodward (ed.), The History of Cartography, vol. 3: Cartography in the European Renaissance, pt. 1 (Chicago, 2007), pp. 1296–1383.
7. Herman de la Fontaine Verwey, ‘Het werk van de Blaeus’, Maandblad Amstelodamum, 39 (1952), p. 103.
8. Simon Schama, The Embarrassment of Riches: An Interpretation of Dutch Culture in the Golden Age (London, 1987).
9. Svetlana Alpers, The Art of Describing: Dutch Art in the Seventeenth Century (Chicago, 1983).
10. Herman de la Fontaine Verwey, ‘Dr Joan Blaeu and his Sons’, Quaerendo, 11/1 (1981), pp. 5–23.
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