The
MARTIAL ARTS
of
ANCIENT GREECE
Modern Fighting Techniques
from the Age of Alexander
KOSTAS DERVENIS
and
NEK TARIOS LYKIARDOPOULOS
Translated by Michael J. Pantelides
and
Kostas Dervenis
Destiny Books
Rochester, Vermont
CONTENTS
Preface
Chapter 1. The Birth of Pammachon
Chapter 2. From Combat to Competition: Pammachon to Pankration
Chapter 3. Analysis of the Techniques of Pankration
Chapter 4. The Inner Path
Epilogue
Appendix: Ancient Greek Pammachon and the Roots of Zen
Footnotes
Bibliography
About the Author
About Inner Traditions
Books of Related Interest
Copyright
PREFACE
A distinction has always existed between combat sports and martial arts—the former being controlled athletic contests, the latter training exercises for actual battle. This demarcation has been recognized as a matter of controversy in the historical record, and beyond that, it would seem that the difference between the two activities reaches far back into the mists of prehistory. Combat sports initially grew out of primal religious festivities, a replication (or evolution) of the duelling of males of all species during the annual spring mating rites. While such contests originated as bloody duels, people soon realized that killing or maiming their own warriors to determine suitable breeding stock was not in a society’s best interest. So rules were developed to prevent permanent injury or death and combat sports were differentiated from actual battle, in which, sadly, there are no rules and never have been.
Also a matter of controversy is the very important question of whether the practice of combat sports (and martial arts) leads to positive or negative psychological changes in the participants. There are many today who claim that practicing the martial arts and combat sports develops beneficial psychological changes and encourages correct societal integration; however, most of the positive benefits determined by the related studies have to do with modern combat sports of an Eastern origin. In contrast, other researchers claim that participating in socially sanctioned combative sports encourages violence and aggression. Certainly the popularity of pay-for-view, no-holds-barred “mixed martial arts” tournaments provides the general public with a view of combat sports that tends to remind one of a Roman arena. While combat sports did indeed grow out of actual battle tactics designed for conditions under which one must kill or be killed, throughout history they have evolved to address more diverse goals, such as personal growth and self-discipline. Sadly, in today’s age of crass commercialism, pay-for-view combat sports have come to emulate the decadence of the Roman arena, with amateur activities being relegated to a lesser level of importance in the mind of the public.
In ancient Greece, the sport of pankration arose as an attempt to introduce martial arts competition into the ancient Greek Olympiad. Pankration is an ancient Greek word that means “total control/power” and refers to a combat sport that was essentially an all-out fight between two contestants. Pankration allowed bare-knuckle boxing, kicking, wrestling, jointlocks, throws, and strangleholds, prohibiting only two tactics: biting and gouging out the opponent’s eyes. (There were other prohibitions, but only the two aforementioned were “written in stone”; the rest were up to the judges.) Pankration contests were held in stadiums and it was indeed a spectator sport. The emphasis, however, was clearly on skill and not on blood; in fact, the contest had to be “bloodless” (anaimaktos). The ancient Greeks were preoccupied with the notion of an “honorable struggle” (eugeni amilla) during athletic competition.
The emphasis in combative sports was on “control,” not on brutality. This precept is clearly established by the word pankration itself. The term does not mean “all powers,” as it has been erroneously translated in the past. In fact, the word kratos is used in modern Greek and means “nation.” While no exact translation for the word kratos is possible in English, and while “power” is very much a part of the meaning of the term pankration, it is obvious that “control” should be considered in equal proportion, since it is not in the interest of a “nation” to exterminate or hospitalize its citizens. Hence, pankration should be thought of as “submission fighting,” with the concept of eugeni amilla (honorable struggle) liberally applied. The athletes did not seek to hurt their opponents, but rather to subdue them through skillful means.1 In this context, both training for pankration and practice of the sport provided a useful educational medium for ancient society. In modern times, Dr. Jigoro Kano established a similar conduit for his ancestral martial arts through the establishment of judo as an international combat sport.
In the past few decades there has been renewed interest in, and considerable literary effort dedicated to, pankration. In addition, quite a few modern martial artists of Greek descent have pictured themselves as the regenerators of the sport, creating modern synthesis systems, which are usually a combination of kickboxing, sport judo, and sport wrestling. This book will attempt to analyze both the kinesiology and techniques of the ancient Greek combat sport, and show its relationship to—and differences from—Greek martial arts, where appropriate. We will also try to answer, in a historical context, the question of whether practicing combat sports (and martial arts) can lead to positive or negative psychological changes in the participants.
We will attempt to address these questions, not for love of the past, but for hope in the future. Many of the aforementioned Greek martial artists of today, hoping to restore pankration to a preeminent position in the world of combat sports, are sadly missing the point in their pursuit of material gain.2 In today’s world, it matters little whether or not “the Greeks were the first to use a shoulder throw” (they were not) or “Alexander the Great brought pankration to the warriors of India” (chances are he did not). What matters are the problems we face globally as a species: accelerating industrialization, rapid population growth, widespread malnutrition, depletion of nonrenewable resources, and a deteriorating environment. If these problems are not dealt with, the most probable result will be a rather sudden and uncontrollable decline in population within the next one hundred years—this is a clinical way of saying that billions of people will die. That having been said, experts agree that it is possible, even now, to alter these growth trends and to establish a condition of ecological and economic stability that would be sustainable far into the future. This state of global equilibrium could be designed so that the basic material needs of each person on Earth are satisfied and each person has an equal opportunity to realize his individual human potential.
We believe that both combat sports and the martial arts can play a role in this hopeful future by being be used as a training tool to facilitate such equilibrium within the individual. Because any mass societal action begins at the level of the citizen, and because an individual trained in the classical ideals of combat sports or the martial arts is more likely to exhibit self-restraint and societal altruism, we are convinced that such training will replicate itself fractally in societies and nations as a whole, and play a part in saving our planet. We believe that a study of the martial arts and combat sports of the ancient Mediterranean may contribute to this salvation, if for no other reason than that they played a crucial part in the development of classical Western civilization as a whole.
For those readers less interested in global ideals and goals, this book represents the first thorough techni
cal analysis of the ancient martial arts of the Mediterranean, as interpreted in the light of modern martial techniques. But it is here that we must offer a word of caution to athletes and martial artists who will in turn (given the tendencies of the Internet) try to use our words as gospel: this book is only our opinion. While it is true that the human body moves only in certain ways, and that we are convinced that specific techniques have remained unchanged around the world for thousands of millennia, we did indeed base this research on our knowledge of modern techniques. Often, in looking for the trees, we miss the forest—people should be very careful in what they claim. We ourselves have tried to be careful; we ask that others be equally careful when using our words.
We must close this preface with a case in point regarding the above caution. In the past year, we have been exposed to attempts by popular media to identify modern mixed martial arts with classical pankration. There are political reasons for making this identification, which the authors oppose, and while we will not get into them here, we do wish to note that we consider such attempts as theft of Greek culture, identity, and history. And, historically speaking, the perpetrators are considerably off base; they are like scientists who attempt to “doctor” an experiment’s results to reach the conclusion they desire, rather than the conclusions that nature would give them on her own.
We can offer a good example of this: both authors have been personally exposed to actual traditions of Greek martial arts and combat sports. Nektarios’s grandfather was a championship wrestler in Athens during the early twentieth century; Kostas is from a village where the last vestiges of a nineteenth-century combative art survived until the Second World War. One must be careful when using the word traditional. The term does not refer to a “museum practice” or to a reenactment, and the authors are not suggesting that we have inherited the battle tactics of the ancient hoplite warriors. In fact, the word tradition means that knowledge and practices are “traded” from generation to generation, and hence become the property of each specific generation in turn. Greek folk songs were played on a reed instrument called a zournas in the nineteenth century—today they are played on clarinets. Techniques and practices are often modified and adapted by the current “owners” as they deem fit; in regards to a surviving martial tradition, they must be tailored to fit the weapons and tactics of the day and age, otherwise the tradition dies out. Certainly this is the case for Greek martial arts, which did not survive, generally speaking, even in Greece itself. In the photos shown here, we would like to provide clear documentary evidence, for the first time in the West, of the existence of nineteenth-century Greek martial arts. These arts were practiced in northern Greece throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The photo of staff training was taken around 1890. The photo of unarmed combat training was taken in 1905.3 These martial traditions most likely may be traced back to the fourteenth century CE, and will be the subject of a further volume. In the context of this book, we refer to the existence of these traditional martial arts for a specific reason: as can be clearly seen by any experienced hoplologist, the techniques exhibited have nothing to do with Mixed Martial Arts, and look more Eastern than Western (in fact, the movements have to do with the use of weapons).
Figure P.1. Students in northern Greece practicing martial arts staff training around 1890.
Figure P.2. Northern Greek students practicing unarmed combat training in 1905.
If such errors in the interpretation of martial tradition can be made within an individual’s lifetime (Kostas’s grandfather was taught this martial art in Elementary school), how many errors can be made in compilation and analysis of technique over the centuries? Thousands? Tens of thousands? Clearly one should be very careful in making historical claims, or in referring to, modern mixed martial arts as pankration— there are considerable, and very real, differences in technique, principles, and reasons for practicing the respective sports. These are evident to those who have actually taken the time and trouble to investigate them. We offer this book as our best attempt to set the record straight.
1
THE BIRTH OF PAMMACHON
War is interwoven with the history of humanity. From our earliest days in school, we are taught about the victories of diverse conquerors throughout the ages, and of the empires they forged that marked the development of humankind. Despite appearances, however, human beings were not always warlike and aggressive. The bands of people that roamed the earth twelve thousand years ago, for example, were for the most part peaceful, living off the abundant game and gathering fruits, bulbs, and tubers where they found them. We know today that people did fight among themselves even then, but as their way of life was unfettered by the concept of ownership, war was an exception, not the rule. Perhaps the Norwegian explorer Fridtjof Nansen was the last of modern men to catch a glimpse of this fading world, as the first European to come into contact with the Eskimos living on the Greenland icecap in 1888. These Eskimos still lived off nature’s bounty at the time, just as their ancestors had for millennia. Nansen wrote:
Fighting and brutalities of that sort . . . are unknown to them, and murder is very rare. They hold it atrocious to kill a fellow creature; therefore war in their eyes is incomprehensible and repulsive, a thing for which their language has no word; soldiers and officers, brought up in the trade of killing, they regard as mere butchers.1
BLADED WEAPONS AND THE MARTIAL ARTS THROUGHOUT HISTORY
Archaeological data indicates that organized warfare has its roots in Mesopotamia. Of course, things are not as simple as this statement would have us believe; people have been fighting and killing each other for at least forty thousand years, more often than not over food. In fact, quite a few exhumed Stone Age graves have revealed skeletons with flint blades lodged in their rib cages. There is even the possibility (which many of us hope is remote) that Neanderthal man was subjected to genocide by his Cro-Magnon brethren. For all that, it is safe to say that war as an institution did not exist before the breakthrough of agriculture, for the simple reason that before we began farming, we really had no concept of property. With the establishment of agriculture, we “fell from Paradise,” and, to further quote the Bible, “saw that we were naked.”
In Mesopotamia, then, around the tenth millennium BCE, people systemized cultivation for the first time. This new way of life spread quickly from East to West, establishing a new dynamic in human relations, that of the ownership of land. Those who possessed land to cultivate wanted to keep it; those who didn’t, desired it; while still others who did own land but were possessed of greed, wanted more.
It is no coincidence then that around this time we also see spectacular developments in weapons technology. For more than seventy thousand years the main weapons used by men in the hunt were the spear and the javelin. The first “blades” were sharpened stones or pieces of bone or antler. The next step was to place these “blades” on a wooden staff to keep prey or predators at bay during the kill. Our ancestors had learned to do this with fire-hardened sharpened sticks earlier; attaching the “blade” was a logical step. In the process, the true spear and the true ax—weapons that could penetrate the toughest hide or shatter the limbs of prey and predators—were developed. Still, the hunters of this age normally threw large stones at their prey, and used their spears or axes to finish off their quarry up close. Some bright fellow, through necessity or innovation, eventually came up with the concept of hurling his spear to slay his prey from a distance; hence the javelin was born, with all its subsequent upgrades.
For tens of thousands of years, then, men hunted and fought with spear and javelin. Prey was first struck from a distance; evolution and common sense taught our ancestors that it was safer and easier this way. In the initial confrontations between men, the same rule was followed: wound the opponent from far away, finish him off with spears and axes up close. In roughly the tenth millennium BCE, two powerful new weapons appeared along with agriculture: the bow and the sling. The range of the prim
itive bow was about 330 feet, twice as far as that of the javelin. An equally frightful weapon was the sling, which was able to throw sharp stones with great accuracy the same distance, or even further as skill developed. For the following eight millennia, the bow and sling were the primary weapons of war.
As these new inventions more than doubled the range and impact power of projectile weapons, they drastically increased the need for protection. We know that protective measures against long-range weapons became crucial for agricultural societies because city walls were one of the first defensive measures devised against invaders. Jericho, for example (built around 8000 BCE), had walls about ten feet thick and thirteen feet high. The mud-brick houses of Çatal Hüyük in central Anatolia (a middle-Neolithic site) form one continuous wall, and were built without windows or doors (residents entered through a hatch in the roof). Neolithic sites such as these bear testimony to the deadliness of projectile weapons.
Within the parameters of these walls and long-range weapons, another type of weapon slowly made its appearance, the reflection of a different type of philosophy. The sharpened stone, known to humanity from the earliest Paleolithic age, had first been used to skin, scrape, and process game. With the institution of breeding livestock, however, the need for a tool to slaughter animals, and to process their meat and skin, became readily apparent. This need was met by the stone knife with a handle.
Because this weapon/tool was closely identified with the taking of life and the growing ritual involved with this action, its use was extended to the assassination of an enemy already injured by projectile weapons. Agricultural societies were by definition initially defensive, since they tended to stay in one place. Hence, wounded enemies were hunted down and executed after a battle (to prevent them from regrouping and attacking again), much like archers will track a wounded deer today. No animal dies willingly, and human beings are no exception; during these assassinations, personal combat was often a necessity. Most likely then, wounded enemies were slaughtered by groups of men, who once again attacked first from a distance, and then up close.
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