29. “‘Quinhões da riqueza’ de Moçambique.”
30. Michel Cahen, “Dhlakama é Maningue Nice! An Atypical Former Guerrilla in the Mozambican Electoral Campaign.” Transformation 35 (1998). Translation of “‘Dhlakama é maningue nice!’ Une guérilla atypique dans la campagne electorale au Mozambique,” originally published in L’Afrique politique (Paris: Karthala, 1995), 27.
31. Prexy Nesbitt, “Renamo: Externally Funded Bandits Terrorize Mozambique,” Renamo Watch, February 1990.
32. Steve Askin, “Mission to Renamo: The Militarization of the Religious Right,” Issue: A Journal of Opinion 18, no. 2 (Summer 1990): 32.
33. “Mozambique Revisited,” Frontline Fellowship, www.frontline.org.za/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1201:mozambique-revisited&catid=67:mozambique-and-malawi&Itemid=268.
34. Bill Bathman, “Understanding the attacks on Peter Hammond,” Frontline Fellowship, frontline.org.za/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&layout=blog&id=65&limitstart=45.
35. Don Shannon and Norman Kempster. “2 Key GOP Senators Challenge U.S. Backing for Mozambique,” Los Angeles Times, July 15, 1987.
36. Joseph Hanlon, A Decade of Mozambique: Politics, Economics, and Society 2004–2013 (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 46.
37. Development Assistance Committee of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Geographical Distribution of Financial Flows to Developing Countries, Development Co-operation Report, and International Development Statistics database. Available at data.worldbank.org/indicator/DT.ODA.ALLD.CD?year_high_desc=true.
38. By one measure, Transparency International’s global Corruption Perceptions Index, based on an annual survey of perception of public sector corruption, Mozambique fell from 99th to 142nd from 2006 to 2016, out of more than 170 countries. Data available at www.transparency.org/research/cpi/overview.
39. See, for example, Michael Gersovitz and Norma Kriger, “What Is a Civil War? A Critical Review of Its Definition and (Econometric) Consequences,” World Bank Research Observer 28 (2013): 159–90; Luís Madureira, “Cahen, Michel. Les Bandits: Un historien au Mozambique, 1994. Paris: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 2002. 351 pp.,” Luso-Brazilian Review 40, no. 2 (2003): 157–61.
40. Askin, “Mission to Renamo,” 30.
41. Carrie Manning, “Constructing Opposition in Mozambique: Renamo as Political Party,” in “Special Issue on Mozambique,” special issue, Journal of Southern African Studies 24, no. 1 (March 1998): 178.
42. Stephen C. Lubkemann, “Migratory Coping in Wartime Mozambique: An Anthropology of Violence and Displacement in ‘Fragmented Wars,’” in “The Demography of Conflict and Violence,” special issue, Journal of Peace Research 42, no. 4 (July 2005): 493–508.
43. Suzanne Daley, “In Mozambique, Guns for Plowshares and Bicycles,” New York Times, March 2, 1997.
44. Stephen C. Lubkemann, “Migratory Coping in Wartime Mozambique,” 498.
45. In 1988, Neil Boothby, a child psychologist at Duke University, traveled to Maputo to work for Save the Children at the Lhanguene Rehabilitation Center for former child soldiers. On research trips over the next sixteen years, Boothby followed the lives of thirty-nine boys, aged six to sixteen in 1988, who had escaped or been liberated from Renamo camps around Mozambique. It was the first ever longitudinal study of “life outcomes” for former child soldiers. Published in 2006, the findings showed, optimistically, that the vast majority of Dhlakama’s former acolytes had become “productive, capable and caring adults.” In many cases, they’d become unusually active role models and members of their community, “paying back others,” one said, “for the bad things I did with Renamo.”
The Renamo years haunted them. As grown men, some steered clear of farm tools, like machetes and hoes, which they’d grown to think of as weapons, and of butchering animals, which reminded them of the violence of their training. “In the first phase of indoctrination,” Boothby writes, “a progressive series of tasks—taking the gun apart and putting it back together, shooting rifles next to their ears to get use to the sound, killing cows—culminated in requests to kill unarmed human beings. Children were expected to assist adult soldiers without question, or emotion. Those that resisted were often killed. Those that did well became junior ‘chiefs’ or garnered other rewards such as extra food or more comfortable housing.”
The thirty-nine boys who left Renamo and ended up at Lhanguene had the opportunity to make as clean a break as possible with their lives under Dhlakama. They could try, once again, to meld into mainstream society. But thirty-nine is a very small number—much smaller than the number of former soldiers, porters, cooks, cleaners, and spies who continued to rally around Dhlakama as lay supporters, party officers, or members of the Presidential Guard twenty years later. See Neil Boothby, “What Happens When Child Soldiers Grow Up? The Mozambique Case Study,” Intervention 4, no. 3 (2006): 244–48.
46. Cahen, “Dhlakama é Maningue Nice,” 27.
47. Obede Baloi, “Electoral Choice and Practice and the Democratic Process in Mozambique,” Journal of African Elections 2, no. 1 (2003): 63–70.
48. Five hundred meticais.
49. Hanlon, “Mozambique: A Masque of Success,” 481.
50. Fátima Mimbire, “Guebuza conferência com Dhlakama em Nampula,” Agência de Informação de Moçambique, December 8, 2011, noticias.sapo.mz/aim/artigo/323108122011180904.html.
51. Francisco Chuquela, “Ex-guerreiros da Renamo revoltam-se contra Dhlakama exigindo manifestações para destituir a Frelimo,” A Verdade, January 17, 2012.
52. “Ex-guerrilheiros da Renamo insurgem-se com Dhlakama,” Wamphula Fax, January 16, 2012, macua.blogs.com/moambique_para_todos/2012/01/ex-guerrilheiros-da-renamo-insurgem-se-com-dhlakama.html.
53. “Renamo ensaia ‘revolução’ prometida,” Mediafax, no. 4963, December 23, 2011. See also Carlos Serra, “Afinal Dhlakama está em Tete,” Diário de um sociólogo (blog), December 23, 2011, oficinadesociologia.blogspot.com/2011/12/afinal-dhlakama-esta-em-tete.html.
54. Chuquela, “Ex-guerreiros da Renamo revoltam-se contra Dhlakama.”
55. “Mozambique: Dhlakama Insulted by Renamo Demobilised,” Agencia de Informação de Moçambique via Allafrica.com, January 16, 2012, allafrica.com/stories/201201162163.html.
56. “Renamo desmente ter feito um homem refém em Nampula,” Lusa via Sapo Notícias, March 1, 2012, noticias.sapo.mz/lusa/artigo/13911185.html.
57. “Renamo desmente a polícia e diz que matou vários polícias em Nampula,” Rádio Moçambique, March 14, 2012.
58. Henri Cauvin, “Strife in the North Rattles Stable Mozambique,” New York Times, December 8, 2000; “Mozambique: Chissano Defends Police Action in Deadly Riots,” Panafrican News Agency (Dakar) via Allafrica.com, November 11, 2000, allafrica.com/stories/200011110102.html. For a brief chronology of political instability in Mozambique since independence, see “Momentos de instabilidade política em Moçambique—uma cronologia,” Deutsche Welle (Portuguese), August 6, 2014.
59. “Renamo diz que partido não tem medo da guerra,” Lusa via Diário Notícias, March 8, 2012; “Frelimo responsabiliza Renamo pelos tiroteios de Nampula, mas oposição diz-se inocente,” Lusa via Sapo Notícias, March 12, 2012, http://noticias.sapo.ao/lusa/artigo/13969242.html; “Dois mortos, vários feridos ligeiros e 33 homens da Renamo detidos é o último balanço dos confrontos em Nampula,” A Verdade, March 8, 2012, www.verdade.co.mz/tema-de-fundo/35-themadefundo/25580-tiros-na-rua-dos-sem-medo-homens-da-renamo-tentam-fazer-manifestacao-policia-impede.
60. “Mozambique Ex-Rebel Renamo Camp Raided by Police,” BBC News, March 8, 2012, www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-17299319.
61. “Cordial Meeting Held with Dhlakama,” Mozambique News Newsletter, no. 444, Agencia de Informação de Moçambique, April 26, 2012.
62. Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique News Reports & Clippings, no. 278, February 9, 2015, www.bit.ly/mozamb. It’s worth noting that Dhlakama’s return to Maputo to sign the peace agreement in September 2014 (where
he subsequently stayed after the election) was his first time in the capital in five years. See Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique News Reports & Clippings, no. 272, September 7, 2014, www.bit.ly/mozamb.
63. Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique News Reports & Clippings, no. 291, June 26, 2015, www.bit.ly/mozamb.
64. Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique News Reports & Clippings, no. 310, February 10, 2016, www.bit.ly/mozamb.
65. Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique News Reports & Clippings, no. 299, October 8, 2015, www.bit.ly/mozamb.
66. “Fears Mozambique Trying to Kill Dhlakama: Analyst,” Enca.com, July 3, 2016.
67. João Manuel Rocha, “Renamo anuncia morte de deputado na ofensiva do exército de Moçambique contra a sua base,” Público, October 25, 2013, www.publico.pt/2013/10/25/mundo/noticia/renamo-anuncia-morte-de-deputado-na-ofensiva-do-exercito-contra-a-sua-base-1610333.
68. “Secretário-geral da RENAMO Manuel Bissopo baleado no centro de Moçambique,” Deutsche Welle, January 20, 2016, www.dw.com/pt-002/secretário-geral-da-renamo-manuel-bissopo-baleado-no-centro-de-moçambique/a-18994319.
69. Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique News Reports & Clippings, no. 340, October 10, 2016, www.bit.ly/mozamb.
70. Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique News Reports & Clippings, no. 351, December 26, 2016, www.bit.ly/mozamb.
71. The one exception, according to President Nyusi, was a skirmish sparked by miscommunication, when each side wasn’t aware of where the other’s soldiers were.
72. Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique News Reports & Clippings, no. 369, April 24, 2017, www.bit.ly/mozamb.
73. In addition to two working groups on decentralization and military issues, made up of Frelimo and Renamo surrogates, there is a third “contact group,” made up of foreign ambassadors, well placed to help fund any possible resolution. See Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique News Reports & Clippings, no. 362, March 2, 2017, www.bit.ly/mozamb.
74. Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique News Reports & Clippings, no. 371, May 2, 2017, www.bit.ly/mozamb; Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique News Reports & Clippings, no. 361, February 22, 2017, www.bit.ly/mozamb; Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique News Reports & Clippings, no. 358, February 5, 2017, www.bit.ly/mozamb.
3. Branco é Branco—Zambezia
1. Contemporary saying cited in Madeleine Fairbairn, “Indirect Dispossession: Domestic Power Imbalances and Foreign Access to Land in Mozambique,” Development and Change 44, no. 2 (2013): 335–56.
2. European Research Institute on Cooperative and Small Enterprises, Identifying Processes and Policies Conducive to Cooperative Development in Africa: Mozambique Country Report (Trento, Italy: Euricse in partnership with the International Cooperative Research Group, 2017), 2.
3. Ian Rose and João Carrilho, “Building Mozambique’s Cadastre: A Delicate Balancing Act” (Annual World Bank Conference on Land and Poverty, Washington, D.C., April 26, 2012).
4. Lei de Terras, no. 19/97, available at http://www.inatur.org.mz/por/content/download/680/4193/file/LEI.TERRAS.pdf.
5. Twelve percent of Mozambique communities have had their land demarcated, according to the World Bank. (Klaus Deininger and Derek Byerlee, “Rising Global Interest in Farmland: Can It Yield Sustainable and Equitable Benefits?,” January 10, 2011, https://elibrary.worldbank.org/doi/abs/10.1596/978-0-8213-8591-3.)
6. Cited in Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique Political Process Bulletin, no. 48, February 22, 2011.
7. Simon Norfolk and Joseph Hanlon, “Confrontation between Peasant Producers and Investors in Northern Zambézia, Mozambique, in the Context of Profit Pressures on European Investors” (paper prepared for presentation at the Annual World Bank Conference on Land and Poverty, World Bank, Washington, D.C., April 23–26, 2012), www.open.ac.uk/technology/mozambique/sites/www.open.ac.uk.technology.mozambique/files/pics/d137047.pdf.
8. Gemfields, Annual Report, 2015, https://d2lm500aoik26w.cloud-front.net/gemfields/wp-content/uploads/2017/04/13101203/June_2015_Annual_Report_and_Financial_Statements.pdf.
9. Estacio Valoi, “Blood Rubies of Montepuez,” Foreign Policy, May 2016.
10. Sayaka Funada Classen, “Análise do discurso e dos antecedentes do programa ProSAVANA em Moçambique—enfoque no papel do Japão” (Tokyo University, 2013).
11. Lídia Cabral, Arilson Favareto, Langton Mukwereza, and Kojo Amanor, “Brazil’s Agricultural Politics in Africa: More Food International and the Disputed Meanings of ‘Family Farming,’” World Development 81 (2016): 47–60.
12. Patrícia Campos Mello, “Moçambique oferece terra à soja brasileira,” Folha de São Paulo, August 14, 2011, www1.folha.uol.com.br/fsp/mercado/me1408201102.htm.
13. “Interview: Mozambique Offers Brazilian Farmers Land to Plant,” Reuters, August 15, 2011, af.reuters.com/article/commoditiesNews/idAFN1E77E05H20110815.
14. Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique News Reports & Clippings, no. 209 (2012), www.bit.ly/mozamb.
15. Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique News Reports & Clippings, no. 329 (2016), www.bit.ly/mozamb.
16. Joseph Hanlon, Understanding Land Investment Deals in Africa: Country Report, Mozambique (Oakland, CA: Oakland Institute, 2011).
17. Kojo Sebastian Amanor, Land Governance in Africa: How Historical Context Has Shaped Key Contemporary Issues Relating to Policy on Land (Rome, Italy: International Land Coalition, 2012), www.landcoalition.org/sites/default/files/documents/resources/FramingtheDebateLandGovernanceAfrica.pdf.
18. Colin Darch and David Hedges, “Political Rhetoric in the Transition to Mozambican Independence: Samora Machel in Beira, June 1975,” Kronos 39, no. 1 (2013), www.scielo.org.za/pdf/kronos/v39n1/04.pdf.
19. Samora Machel, “The Beira Speech,” African Yearbook of Rhetoric 2, no. 3 (2011): 67–83, www.africanrhetoric.org/pdf/Q%20%20%20Machel%20-%20Beira%20English.pdf.
20. Lei de Terras, Lei no. 19/97, October 1, 1997.
21. Ian Convery, “Lifescapes and Governance: The Régulo System in Central Mozambique,” Review of African Political Economy 33, no. 109 (2006): 449–66.
22. Helene Maria Kyed and Lars Buur, “New Sites of Citizenship: Recognition of Traditional Authority and Group-Based Citizenship in Mozambique,” Journal of Southern African Studies 32, no. 3 (2006): 568.
23. Allen Isaacman, Cotton Is the Mother of Poverty: Peasant Resistance to Forced Cotton Production in Mozambique, 1938–1961 (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 1995), 588.
24. Ibid.
25. Present-day Niassa Province; the “Niassa” spelling was used in the colonial era.
26. Isaacman, Cotton Is the Mother of Poverty. Quote from Eduardo Mondlane, The Struggle for Mozambique (London: Zed Press, 1983).
27. Isaacman, Cotton Is the Mother of Poverty.
28. Ibid.
29. Ibid.
30. Mozambique Revolution, no. 46 (1971), psimg.jstor.org/fsi/img/pdf/t0/10.5555/al.sff.document.numr197101_final.pdf.
31. Norfolk and Hanlon, “Confrontation between Peasant Producers and Investors.”
32. Lei de Terras, Lei no. 19/97, October 1, 1997.
33. Hanlon, Understanding Land Investment Deals in Africa.
34. Norfolk and Hanlon, “Confrontation between Peasant Producers and Investors.”
35. World Food Programme, Country Page, Mozambique, www1.wfp.org/countries/mozambique.
36. Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique Political Process Bulletin, no. 48, February 22, 2011.
37. Ibid.
38. Hanlon, Understanding Land Investment Deals in Africa.
39. See Fairbairn, “Indirect Dispossession.”
40. Redação Nampula, “Alerta de cheias na Zambézia,” A Verdade, January 13, 2015; “A fúria do caudal do rio Molócue destrói o desvio alternativo da ponte em construção,” O Portal do Governo da Zambezia, January 19, 2016.
41. Teresa Smart and Joseph Hanlon, Chickens and Beer: A Recipe for Agricultural Growth in Mozambique, based on Galinhas e cervjea: uma receita para of crescimento, by the same authors (Kapicua: Maputo, 2014).
42. Ibid.
43. Plano Estratégico de Desenvolvimento do Sector Agrário (PEDSA), 2011, quoted in translat
ion in Smart and Hanlon, Chickens and Beer.
44. Ibid.
45. Ibid.
46. João Feijó, Moçambique: 10 anos em reflexão (Maputo: Justiça Ambiental, 2015), 84.
47. Ibid., 86.
48. Fairbairn, “Indirect Dispossession,” 39, 41.
49. Hanlon, Understanding Land Investment Deals in Africa.
50. Fairbairn, “Indirect Dispossession.”
51. Afonso João Colaço, técnico de Serviços de Geografia e Cadastro, Direcção Distrital de Agricultura e Desenvolvimento Rural de Alto-Molócue, personal communication.
52. International NGOs and advocacy groups like UNAC have tried to step into the breach to fill the massive gaps in education, legal and otherwise, that limit communities’ wherewithal to conduct negotiations on their own behalf. Nonprofits have launched capacity-building programs for government officials and pilot projects to formalize community landownership through a more inclusive process. For now, though, those efforts seem to be eclipsed by the basic power imbalances at play in land transactions.
53. Analysis by Centro de Formação Jurídica e Judiciária, cited in Hanlon, Mozambique Political Process Bulletin, no. 48 (February 2011), www.open.ac.uk/technology/mozambique/sites/www.open.ac.uk.technology.mozambique/files/pics/d128132.pdf.
54. Nicholas Hess, “Community Need, Government (In)action and External Pressure: A Study of Civil Society and Land Rights in Mozambique” (master’s diss., University of Sheffield, 2012).
55. Jessica Milgroom, “Policy Processes of a Land Grab: Enactment, Context and Misalignment in Massingir, Mozambique” (LDPI working paper 34, Land Deal Politics Initiative, 2013).
56. Joseph Hanlon, Mozambique Political Process Bulletin, no. 48 (February 2011), www.open.ac.uk/technology/mozambique/sites/www.open.ac.uk.technology.mozambique/files/pics/d128132.pdf.
57. Fairbairn, “Indirect Dispossession,” 342.
4. Confessions of a Human Smuggler—Nampula
1. International Organization for Migration (IOM), In Pursuit of the Southern Dream: Victims of Necessity. Assessment of the Irregular Movement of Men from East Africa and the Horn to South Africa (Geneva, Switzerland: IOM, 2009), publications.iom.int/books/pursuit-southern-dream-victims-necessity.
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