Raj

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by Lawrence, James

The Raj’s critics expected too much. It was never a totalitarian state which could do what it liked when it chose. Throughout its history the Raj operated under powerful constraints. These were the costs of its armed forces and administration, the amount of revenue it could raise and the need to conciliate Indian opinion. Behind the Raj’s impressive façade lay a mass of compromises and accommodations made by a government which was always well aware that it lacked the manpower and resources to ride roughshod over its subjects’ wishes. The 1857 Mutiny proved this, and Gandhi’s non-co-operation campaigns confirmed the point. Nearly a third of Indians were subjects of the Raj only by association, being governed by their own princes who had chosen to become partners in government. The Raj could not have lasted as long as it did without the co-operation of millions of lesser Indians who filled the ranks of its army, undertook its bureaucratic drudgery and served in its perpetually undermanned police force. In the countryside where most Indians lived, often without ever seeing a European, village headmen, chowkidars and a legion of fiscal and transport functionaries kept the machinery of government ticking over. In return they received local power and status. Such figures are easily overlooked, but they were the bedrock on which the Raj rested.

  The existence of a substantial body of Indians who actively co-operated with alien rulers is a source of unease for modern Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi historians. How does one promote a sense of national identity in the knowledge that, during the recent past, the great majority of one’s countrymen either submitted to or were the accomplices of foreign rulers? One answer is to elevate those who, often for private rather than ‘national’ reasons, opposed the Raj. Thus the Rani of Jhansi has a splendid equestrian statue on the site of her cremation in Gwalior. Tikendrajit Singh, the ambitious dynast who violently ejected the British resident from Manipur in 1891, becomes a ‘freedom fighter’ in the Indian Dictionary of National Biography, where it is claimed that his state needed a very strong, rather ruthless ruler to withstand the Raj. Home-grown tyranny, it seems, is better than the imported government, and it is hard to see how an aristocrat fighting for his privileges was a proto-nationalist. Nevertheless, it is reassuring for Indians to know that there were men and women who resisted the Raj, and they honour their spirit in the same way as Boadicea’s has been in England.

  Twentieth-century nationalist leaders qualify more easily for the national Pantheon. Moreover, although their arguments were grounded in British political and legal philosophy, men like Gandhi and Nehru possessed distinctly Indian qualities. Here lay their immense strength: they could reason with their rulers in terms the latter understood and simultaneously appeal to the Indian masses. And yet, and this is perhaps the greatest irony of the Raj, both men argued passionately for the preservation of India’s integrity, something which was a direct result of British rule. It is of course right and proper that Gandhi, Nehru and Jinnah should be revered as national heroes, but it should not be forgotten that each in his way was a product of political and intellectual traditions which had been imparted into their country by the British.

  Quite simply the Raj cannot be disinvented. It happened, and its consequences, from a passion for cricket to a faith in democracy, remain deeply rooted in Indian soil. No one can ever know what course Indian history would have followed if the British had not intervened so decisively in its eighteenth-century power struggles. Would a dominant, centralising power have emerged from among the greater Indian states? Would it have been Hindu or Muslim? Most importantly, how long would it have lasted, and could it have resisted its neighbours? The history of independent states in Asia during the nineteenth century suggests strongly that India might have endured some form of European domination, as Persia and China did, or direct occupation like Indo-China. Would a non-British India, united or fragmented, have attracted the investment which financed its railways, or would a native entrepreneurial class have emerged with the capital which was ploughed into industrialisation during the two world wars? And would hundreds of thousands of Indians, Pakistanis and Bangledeshis have settled in Britain to enrich it with their talents and, among things, make curry its most popular dish?

  Subjunctive history is more than a diverting pastime, for it reminds us how much the present pivots on the past. For better or worse (and on the whole I think it was for the better), the British Raj shaped the subcontinent that is now shared by India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. The period of foreign rule has been likened to a love affair between a couple whom unexpected circumstances had thrown together. Initial fascination was followed by exploration and rough wooing, then came harmony, and fast behind rows, estrangement and separation. After fifty years the partners have calmed down and come to appreciate the value of what bound them together and the experiences they shared. The result is a restored goodwill, affection and a new partnership of interest with steadily rising Anglo-Indian trade and British investment in one of the world’s most dynamic and expanding economies. I hope that this survey of the Raj will strengthen the bonds between Britons and Indians, and make them look again at their common past without shame or recrimination.

  Bibliography

  Abbreviations

  BL British Library

  BLO Bodleian Library, Oxford

  EHR English Historical Review

  EcHR Economic History Review

  HJ Historical Journal

  IESHR Indian Economic and Social History Review

  IJMES International Journal of Middle East Studies

  ILN Illustrated London News

  IOL India Office Library

  IWM Imperial War Museum

  JAS Journal of Asian Studies

  JICH Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History

  JIH Journal of Indian History

  JRAS Journal of the Royal Asian Society

  JSAHR Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research

  LHC Liddell Hart Centre

  MAS Modern Asian Studies

  NAM National Army Museum

  NLS National Library of Scotland

  NRO Norfolk Record Office

  PP Past and Present

  PRO Public Record Office

  RID Records of the Intelligence Department

  SRA Strathclyde Regional Archives

  SRO Scottish Record Office

  TP Transfer of Power

  TRHS Transactions of the Royal Historical Society

  VS Victorian Studies

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  Letters, papers and correspondence of: Colonel J. A. Heard; Major A. C. Moore; Captain S. J. Thompson RN

  National Army Museum, London

  Letters, papers and correspondence of: Brigadier William Alston, Bombay Pioneers; Colonel B. J. Amies; Anonymous officer of Bengal Infantry (? Lieutenant-Colonel Joseph Leggatt, 3rd NI); General Sir Arthur Becher; General Sir Roy Bucher; Private Jonathan Cottrill, 39th Regiment; Lieutenant John Daniel, RA; Colonel George Kellie, Indian Medical Service; General Sir Robert Lockhart; General W. L. Maxwell; Lieutenant Hooke Pearson, 11th Light Dragoons; Private H. Plumb, 24th Regiment; Private Potiphar, 9th Lancers; Ensign Alexander Rose, 54th Bengal Infantry; General Sir Reginald Savory; Private George Tookey, 3rd Light Dragoons; Lieutenant C. F. Trower, Bengal Light Infantry; Charles Waddington (Narrative of the Battle of Miani); Notes for General Officer Commanding, HQ Eastern Command, 24 August 1947

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  Strathclyde Regional Archives, Glasgow

  Campbell of Succoth Papers

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