La Nueve’s remaining platoons were involved in small skirmishes; swift, brutal exchanges as German troops fought delaying actions from several linked positions. Dronne wrote that his Spaniards took forty prisoners “but did not have time to count the German dead”.83
Captain Buis’ Shermans dealt with more opposition from Massy and Wissous, but these hold-ups meant that sub-group Warabiot, held in reserve, was sent to deal with heavy opposition around Morangis, losing two tanks.84 If an armoured battlegroup must advance along a limited axis it only took a well sited 88mm gun to hold it up. 20mm heavy machine-guns could also inflict costly damage.85
De Gaulle’s chief of staff, General Juin, took a close interest, particularly since Billotte had been appointed partly for political reasons and his battlegroup faced a testing day.
“Do you think you can get into Paris today?” asked Juin.
“Everything depends on the seriousness and duration of engagements,” replied Billotte. “There is also the problem of keeping us supplied with fuel and ammunition, given that we’re using those faster than we previously expected.”
Juin was nodding appreciatively when a lieutenant arrived asking for artillery support and tank reinforcements. As he spoke a German shell exploded nearby, giving the young officer a light shrapnel wound on his cheek, which Juin helped bandage.86
Model’s HQ learnt of GT Billotte’s progress when a telephone call from the Meurice complained that, “The forces in this sector, tasked with defending both the exterior and the interior from terrorists, are insufficient.”87
HENRI ROL-TANGUY WAS INFORMED of GT Billotte’s arrival at Arpajon via both the 2e DB’s 2ème bureau and his own information lines. The Sceaux railway line’s unbroken telephone connection north to the Barrière d’Enfer ensured that Rol-Tanguy received hourly updates. Sub-group Putz’s progress was followed with passionate interest. By 10.15am Rol-Tanguy knew they were at Longjumeau. By 11.30am Rol-Tanguy knew they had reached the Juvisy roundabout.88
Across Paris the German pull-out accelerated and they made less effort to contest embattled quartiers compared to the previous day, although combat remained very violent around the large barracks on the Place de la République which the Wehrmacht called their Prinz Eugen barracks. Built around a courtyard like the Préfecture on Ile de la Cité, it was to these barracks that the German garrison’s remnants retreated from rive droite Paris.89
Again, Dr. Victor Veau found his fellow Parisians talking hopefully. But this time he refrained from squelching anyone. Two cars appeared and took off again towards the Arc de Triomphe almost like tourists. “Would one see any more Germans?” Veau wondered. At the corner of Avenue de Messine and Boulevard Haussmann, German traffic signs had been removed, and when a Gardien bicycled past, Parisians clapped enthusiastically. Reaching the Champs Élysées amid drizzle, Veau sheltered in a doorway while watching a German column roll westwards. “One asked oneself if that was in order to surrender to regular forces rather than the FFI,” he wrote.90
After queueing for the morning’s edition of Combat, Charles Lacretelle found no mention of the BBC’s premature announcement, just a bulletin from the Préfecture: “According to information appearing at 6pm yesterday … an Allied column composed of 30,000 men and 300 tanks has occupied Arpajon and is moving towards Paris. Therefore three divisions are at our gates.” The same article continued, “We are awaiting more information. We would like to be more precise and to know above all when they will arrive, but all this depends on a great number of factors to which we can not fix a timetable.”91
Stepping out with his dog, Jean Galtier-Boissière found the Saint-Jacques barricade decorated with portraits of Hitler, Goering and Mussolini taken from the Italian library on the Boulevard Saint-Germain. The Germans contesting the Latin Quarter had withdrawn to the Palais Luxembourg. Miraculously a butchers’ shop on the narrow Rue Mouffetard had acquired meat and opened its doors to jubiant customers. From a selection of the day’s newspapers, Galtier-Boissière read articles preaching résistance à l’outrance (resistance to the death) and repeating the slogan, “À chacun son boche”—“to each a Hun.” Instructions for making a Molotov cocktail were written like a recipe. Both Franc-Tireur and la Parisien Libéré carried premature announcements that collabo writer Pierre Drieu-la-Rochelle had killed himself. In fact, after overdosing on sleeping tablets, Drieu-la-Rochelle was found by his maid Gabrielle and rushed to Neuilly’s American Hospital to have his innards pumped. Their political disagreements aside, Galtier-Boissière always respected Drieu’s talent and found the premature obituaries denouncing him distasteful. In any case the Drieu-La-Rochelle story, like several others, was days old.92
THE FFI’S OPTIMISM ON THE INSURRECTION’S SIXTH DAY was reflected in Alexandre Parodi’s declaration, “Paris is freeing herself by her own efforts,” signed Cerat. Rol-Tanguy also released an upbeat communiqué:
During the night of the 23 to 24 and during the day of 24 August, our offensive continued without respite. In all quartiers of Paris, the enthusiastic population has joined in the construction of barricades, and the effectiveness of these measures is resoundingly confirmed; the enemy, obliged to give up light patrols with lorries and armoured cars, now confines his activities to armoured reconnaissance missions which vainly fire their cannons at a certain number of buildings and public offices occupied by the FFI.
Generally, our victorious offensive has now achieved the effective liberation of the greater part of Paris. German-controlled areas now consist of a few islands of isolated resistance.
Discounting von Choltitz’s restraint, the situation could be seen like that. But Rol-Tanguy finished up by mentioning the previous day’s success at Belleville-Villette, the captured equipment and prisoners, in an exultant tone. Naturally leaders must maintain morale, but Rol-Tanguy’s biographer Roger Bourderon comments that, “These [propositions] were without doubt somewhat excessive, particularly in the matter of armaments which were always uncertain.” Rol-Tanguy’s exuberance reflects how the Resistance needed to see itself, “opening the road to Paris for Allied armies … liaising with the Leclerc division for a shared victory. … To conquer and give our country back, in the words of General de Gaulle, her independence, her freedom and her greatness.”93
Now Rol-Tanguy wanted the Insurrection to go up a gear; to prevent all German passage through Paris, to hold every bridge and isolate German strongpoints. Commanding such activities from beneath the Barrière d’Enfer became more challenging. So far Paris had avoided large-scale destruction, so Rol-Tanguy issued a directive that no heritage or official buildings could be used to house prisoners, or by FFI. This meant that venues like the Vélodrome d’Hiver, the cycling arena used to round up Jews during 1942 and subsequently for collabo rallies, would be used to imprison collabos. Rol-Tanguy also ordered the suppression of looting, including summary execution for anyone caught red-handed.94
FFI were now firing upon von Choltitz’s compound on the Rue de Rivoli. His garrison no longer controlled the Champs Élysées west of the Rond-Point. From dawn until dusk on the 24th there were twenty-nine individual FFI attacks compared with ten counterattacks by the Germans, mainly directed against the barricades on the rive gauche and around the Hôtel de Ville. Appearing content to intimidate rather than press attacks home, where the Germans took tough action, such as destroying the barricade on the Rue de Bourgogne, it was usually to maintain access to their strongpoints. Unless the FFI could attack strongpoints there were few manageable targets left for them. An FFI report said, “Coups de main were now rendered extremely difficult by the fact that isolated Germans no longer circulated, not even in cars. Their movements now took the form of convoys and columns.” But smaller convoys still offered tempting targets, like the one near the Observatory which rendered eight prisoners.95
LIEUTENANT SORRET’S PLATOON, supported by 12e RCA Shermans, was chosen by Massu to be GT Langlade’s advance guard. The sky appeared wrung out, though grey clouds still billowed pa
st sprinkling fine drizzle.
“Right! Let’s get going. Let’s move!”
Sorret’s men moved out, the 12e RCA’s Shermans leaving dust and blue exhaust smoke as they ground along roads that had already taken a beating.96 Passing through Dampierre, Sorret’s column met cheering locals sheltering under umbrellas by the roadside.
“Allez-y les gars!”—”Go, boys!” they said.
“And what were you doing in 1940?” asked one of Sorret’s newest recruits; he only joined in Normandy.
Advancing along the D58 into Chevreuse, a bend in the road, around a small hill with copses and fruit groves, looked perfect for laying an ambush. Sure enough, machine-gun fire began cutting up the macadam. Sorret’s men alighted from their half-tracks, running to outflank and flush out the Germans. There were only four, who fled immediately after firing. Sorret’s men remounted their vehicles while watching the woods on each side of them. Sorret’s radioman passed him the headset.
“Don’t let yourself be held up by small incidents,” came the order.
“Understood,” replied Sorret.97
Even today Chevreuse’s bucolic atmosphere belies its proximity to Paris. Its citizens cheered while sheltering from the drizzle in shop doorways. But Sorret’s men soon encountered more sniper-fire, craning their necks to spot their adversaries amid green August foliage. Once again a handful of Germans withdrew after a few shots. Past Chevreuse, advancing towards the plateau of Toussus-le-Noble, the wind carried the report of gunfire. From their Sherman turrets, the Chasseurs saw the recently vacated airfield. More gunfire, and Sorret’s men began patrolling along the roadside hedgerows.98
Now reinforced by Lieutenant Batiment’s platoon, they entered Toussus-le-Noble where the locals were either hiding or else had fled their houses. Sorret’s and Batiment’s men fanned out ahead of the tanks, moving nimbly between buildings until they reached the northern exit where the Germans had blocked the road with debris; this was intended to force the Shermans and half-tracks into the fields which were covered by anti-tank guns hidden in hedgerows. Turning into the sodden fields the Shermans struggled to avoid getting bogged, the rain-soaked mud sticking glutinously to their tracks, forcing drivers to lower gears and accelerate. Followed by Sorret’s infantry, the Shermans screeched up the slopes towards the crest hedgerows. Then the Germans opened fire. Sorret’s infantry desperately buried themselves in whatever cover there was as MG42s scythed the air, bullets rattling on the Shermans’ hulls. Next came explosions as 88mm shells found their mark. The Sherman Ardennes burst into flames, seeming to stop dead for a moment before slumping in the mud. The sub-group’s 105mm SP guns opened fire while Quillichini’s support section put down smoke. Sorret’s and Batiment’s infantry began moving again.99
Massu watched grimly through binoculars. Intelligence reports claiming the 2e DB could simply walk into Paris were wrong. Langlade ordered sub-group Minjonnet to outflank enemy positions from Massu’s right towards Jouy-en-Josas. If this persuaded the Germans to withdraw, GT Langlade might still be first into Paris.
Once Captain Hargous’ 4th squadron 12e RCA had refuelled they pushed forward shouting “Our turn to play!” Lieutenant Jean Zagrodski’s troop joined forces with two keen platoons from Captain Fonde’s 7th Company 2/RMT led by Lieutenants Guigon Miscault and Maret. Jean Zagrodski, eager to avenge his brother Michel, killed at Alençon, had renamed his tank Zagrodski II. Supported by Commandant Mirambeau’s artillery, these men led GT Langlade towards Christ de Saclay.100
Bruce and Co., along with Hemingway’s irregulars, were following GT Langlade—“one of Leclerc’s columns,” as Bruce described them. Past military age, Bruce repaired to a farmhouse. “In no time we were snugly ensconced in a warm kitchen, eating an omelette and drinking a bottle of wine that had been given to us along the road. When we emerged we found that Hemingway and the Private Army, including Mouthard, had been engaged in a battle between French tanks and two Boche 88 guns. The latter were demolished and prisoners taken.”101 According to Raymond Dronne, Leclerc banned Hemingway from following GT Billotte’s main effort because of his drunkenness.102
Spaciously arranged, Jouy en Josas is a satellite village southwest of Paris, built around a railway track which joins the capital’s dormitory towns. Its buildings are mainly nineteenth-century and its principal streets are named after Jean Jaurés and Louis Pasteur. To its north lies a belt of forest now dominated by the rumbling six-lane N12. Though normally tranquil and leafy, on 24 August 1944 Jouy en Josas saw a spasm of intense fighting.
Supported by Guigon’s infantry, Zagrodski’s troop crossed a beet field to reach the Saclay canal, which was shallow enough for them to drive down one bank and up the other. On the far side they found both a crossroads and a bridge left undefended, enabling them to push on, Zagrodski and Guigon on the right and Miscault and Maret on the left. Zagrodski was energised, leading his Shermans forward like stampeding bison, firing at anything that might conceal the enemy, sending geysers of earth into the air.103 Then a German MG42 opened up, its torrent of bullets mauling the asphalt. They had reached von Aulock’s southwest defence line. Zagrodski II took up the machine-gun duel. A harvest-filled barn caught fire, burning like a lighthouse. More Chad infantry pushed forward, returning German gunfire from beyond the Paris-Versailles railway track. In the village itself Guichard’s sergent-chef ran forward to the first road junction. Seeing Germans pulling back, he signalled that the road was clear. Sub-group Massu pushed through Jouy en Josas amid further gunfire. Past the village more Germans were blocking the Versailles-Petit Clamart road from woods to the north.104
It now fell to Guichard’s platoon to lead the advance, but as soon as they moved three men were hit by German machine-gun fire, Guichard being hit in the chest. Far from demoralising the platoon, these casualties spurred them on. Even so, amid fire from all directions, it was impossible to continue without support from 12e RCA Shermans, which would become vulnerable to German anti-tank guns. These were under camouflage, five hundred metres away, ready to engage the first Sherman they saw. The Gascoigne was hit, immediately bursting into flames, while the rest of the troop withdrew to the dead ground of a railway cutting. With casualties mounting, Lieutenant Guigon decided this route out of Jouy en Josas was impassable.
“Return to Jouy,” said Captain Fonde. “We will try to force our way through the Forêt de l’Homme Mort.”
In Jouy en Josas villagers were congregating enthusiastically around Fonde’s Jeep. But Fonde was only thinking about entering western Paris.
“Anyone know anything about the Germans’ positions?” Fonde asked.
A villager stepped forward, the fireman.
“The Germans are positioning their anti-tank guns on the high ground in the forest, at the crossroads of l’Homme Mort.”
“‘Positioning’ or ‘have positioned’?” Fonde asked urgently. There was no time to withdraw Guigon’s platoon. Supported by two of Zagrodski’s Shermans, Fonde set off.
“The Germans have not yet finished digging in,” said the fireman.
Armed only with a Garand rifle, Fonde set off in a Jeep to see for himself, taking the fireman to act as guide. Back on the open road, driving towards Versailles, Fonde now had l’Homme Mort woods on his right.
“They’re there,” said the fireman, pointing towards a wooded bend a hundred metres ahead. Then he jumped from the Jeep and ran away.
“Stop,” yelled Fonde.
An 88mm gun’s muzzle was just visible among the foliage. From a bend in the road, alerted by the fleeing fireman, Zagrodski also noticed it. The Zagrodski II fired, rattling the 88’s crew. It fired back, missing Zagrodski II, probably because the gun-aimer was under-trained. Fonde approached Zagrodski II to give directions just as a second shell, clearly aimed at the tank’s front hull, ploughed into the road’s surface sending a shard of shrapnel into Fonde’s thigh. While being evacuated, Fonde told Lieutenant Maret precisely where the 88 was. Maret sent his infantry through the woods to o
utflank the 88, finding its crew huddled behind the gun’s shield just as a well-aimed shell from Zagrodski II smashed its barrel.105
The sub-group pushed on towards the crossroads where they encountered more sustained fire, this time from 20mm machine-guns whose heavy bullets could gouge a Sherman’s armour without penetrating. While tank crews were reasonably safe from such weapons, infantry were pinned down in ditches on each side of the road. Inside his tank Lieutenant Zagrodski strained to spot the 20mm guns through his periscope. Exasperated, he opened Zagrodski II’s turret and scanned the woods with binoculars. Immediately a 20mm gun opened up on Zagrodski II, hitting Zagrodski fatally in the head, extinguishing his hopes of avenging his brother’s death.106
The situation required extraordinary leadership. Adjutant-Chef Rolland, armed with an M1 Carbine and as many grenades as he could carry, crawled along roadside ditches to where the 20mm guns were situated. When close enough, Rolland peeped above the ditch’s edge and spotted the 20mm gun. The crews’ camouflage jackets and black collar patches indicated that they were Waffen SS. Leaning his carbine in the fork of a shrub’s trunk, Rolland took steady aim and fired. The gunner fell dead, followed by the loader. The rest fled.
“We’re expected for tea!” said Captain Ivanoff, glad to get his company moving again.107
The Shermans continued towards the Petit-Clamart crossroads, warily checking the roadsides. To their right Villacoublay’s great military aerodrome was still as a graveyard. Von Aulock’s defensive line had been pierced.
“Faster, faster,” said Ivanoff. On reaching Petit-Clamart he ordered them to “Stop!”
“Why?” they wondered.
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