Tom Clancy's Op-center Novels 7-12 (9781101644591)

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Tom Clancy's Op-center Novels 7-12 (9781101644591) Page 74

by Clancy, Tom


  “Did you get what you wanted from the cardinal?” Herbert asked.

  “I did,” Kline told him. “We arranged to have Bishop Victor Max go to Botswana. He’s flying to New York to meet me.”

  “Max is a big human rights advocate, isn’t he?” Herbert asked.

  “He is,” Kline said. “The bishop is going to take Father Bradbury’s place in a show of support. He will fly to Gaborone and then take a shuttle to Maun. We have asked two of the deacons not to leave but to meet him there.”

  “That could be dangerous for the bishop and the deacons, you understand that,” Herbert said. “They understand that.”

  “Of course.”

  “Is there going to be press coverage?” Hood asked.

  “We absolutely will not solicit coverage, but we will make an announcement,” Kline said. “We want Dhamballa to know he cannot scare us away. We’re sure some press will be in Gaborone, but there will be no additional statements, no press conferences. The Church has a narrow line to walk between supporting its mission and defying the will of a native faction.”

  “What kind of precautions are you arranging for the bishop’s security?” Hood asked.

  “We’re working with local authorities,” Kline said.

  “Is that all?” Herbert asked.

  Kline regarded the intelligence chief. “We have other options open to us,” he replied. “The bishop will be safe.”

  “I have no doubt,” Herbert said.

  “Why is that?” Kline asked.

  “Because, Edgar, I’m betting you’ve invoked the Madrid Accords,” Herbert replied.

  It was the first time Herbert had ever seen Edgar Kline seem surprised. “You’ve been busy,” Kline said.

  “We both have,” Herbert replied.

  “Back up,” Hood said. “I’m not familiar with the accords.”

  “Three years ago, the Vatican signed a secret agreement with the Ministerio de Defensa de España,” Herbert said. “In exchange for aggressive support from the Vatican, the prince promised to provide ground troops in the event of action undertaken against the Church in any developing country.”

  Kline waved his hand dismissively. “The Madrid Accords are not a secret,” he said.

  “Not if you happen to read the Fraternal Vatican Minutes, which is not available on-line or outside the Hall of Records in Rome. Or you might have read about it if you had access to the Spanish Alliance file at the Defense Ministry in Madrid,” Herbert pointed out. “I only know about the arrangement because at two-fifteen this morning, I called one of our people in Spain. I asked her to look into the existence of any such agreements.”

  “What prompted you to do that?” Kline asked.

  “A visit you had from Deputy Chief of Ministry Rodriguez very early this morning,” Herbert replied.

  Kline’s pleasant features darkened. “You had me watched.”

  “That’s right.”

  “I’m very disappointed, Bob.”

  “So am I,” Herbert replied evenly. “You asked for my help, but you didn’t tell me everything.”

  “There wasn’t much to tell,” Kline replied.

  “There was enough for you to withhold it,” Herbert pointed out.

  “We have security issues that I did not wish to discuss or disclose,” Kline replied. “The ramifications of another nation lending that kind of support go beyond the current crisis.”

  “Gentlemen, now I’m the only one who’s confused,” Hood said. “Bob, would you tell me what’s going on?”

  “I’ve pretty much told you all I know for certain, Paul,” Herbert said. “Edgar wanted our help locating Father Bradbury. I brought Mike aboard, set things in motion, then found out that there are other players. That this situation may be bigger than we were led to believe.”

  Herbert did not want to say anything to Kline about the call from Shigeo Fujima. For all he knew, there might not be a connection. If there were a connection, he wanted to keep that contact to himself.

  Hood looked over at Kline. “Mr. Kline?”

  “The involvement of the Spanish military is a very delicate aspect of this ‘situation,’ as Bob describes it,” Kline said. “The Vatican does have a defense arrangement with the Spanish military. The agreement does not affect the main body of the military. It is only with the Grupo del Cuartel General, Unidad Especial del Despliegue.”

  “That’s the Spanish military’s equivalent to Striker,” Herbert said. “A rapid deployment unit about two hundred commandos strong. They’re based in Valencia, on the Mediterranean.”

  “Correct,” Kline replied. “The only time we ever expected to call on them is if there were an imminent threat against His Holiness or the Vatican itself. I didn’t tell you about their involvement because they’re not going into Botswana in an official capacity.”

  “They’re going to Father Bradbury’s parish in Maun as tourists,” Herbert replied.

  Kline seemed even more surprised than he had been a minute before. “What makes you think that?” he asked.

  “It makes a whole lot of sense,” Herbert told him. “I knew you’d want the soldiers in place before the bishop arrives tomorrow. But you don’t know who may be helping the Brush Vipers, so you couldn’t risk sending in a Spanish military aircraft. I had our computer group check flights from Spain to Botswana. Reservations for several Spanish men came up on the hop from Valencia to Madrid and then to Gaborone. The names were aliases, but they used their personal telephone numbers for E-ticket security. That data was in the Pentagon’s files from last year’s war-sim exercises on the Mediterranean. They don’t share tactical information with people they can’t find again. The name that stood out was Major Jose Sanjulian. He’s an antiterrorist specialist with the Grupo del Cuartel General, Unidad Especial del Despliegue.”

  “Now you know everything I did,” Kline remarked. “In fact, you knew more than I did.”

  There was resentment in his voice. Herbert was sorry to hear it. But this was not a profession where friendship could come before national security or the lives of one’s coworkers. Kline was a professional. He would think about what Herbert had done, and he would recover. Especially if he wanted Op-Center to help in the search for Father Bradbury.

  “Now that everything is on the table, Mr. Kline, what would you like from us?” Hood asked.

  Kline regarded Herbert. “Is everything on the table, Bob?”

  “You mean, have I done any other snooping?” he asked.

  “No,” Kline replied. “Is there anything else I should know to protect lives in Botswana?”

  “Not at the moment,” Herbert said.

  Kline did not look as though he believed him. Herbert did not care.

  “Edgar, what do you want from us?” Hood asked.

  “Broadly, we would like any quiet intelligence assistance you can provide,” Kline told Hood.

  “That’s a pretty big canvas to work on,” Hood said. “We have the present activities of the perpetrators and whoever might be backing them, as well as the history of Mr. Seronga and his own associates.”

  “It’s extremely big and volatile,” Kline agreed. “We are dealing with what we see as a three-part problem. One is the situation involving Father Bradbury. That’s the one we’re most concerned with. Getting him back. But his abduction is obviously not an isolated action. Father Bradbury was provoked into asking his missionaries to leave Botswana. That seems to be a very clear prelude to an anti-Catholic movement relating to the activities of this Dhamballa individual.”

  “The cult leader,” Hood said.

  “Correct,” Kline replied. “The second part of the problem is, if we cannot quickly secure the safe release of Father Bradbury, we need to know what Dhamballa’s plans for him are.”

  “I assume there’s been no contact between the cult and the Vatican?” Hood said.

  “None at all,” Kline told him. “Dhamballa does not have any kind of office or even a physical church that we are aware of. We do
n’t even know what the man’s name was before he founded this cult.”

  “What’s the third problem, Mr. Kline?” Hood asked.

  “That one is not so much a Vatican issue but a potential problem for Botswana and the rest of the region,” Kline replied. “That’s the problem you pointed out earlier, that of who may be backing Dhamballa. We do not know whether Albert Beaudin is involved in this movement. If he is, it’s extremely doubtful he is there for religious enlightenment.”

  “He would want to stir things up for his own reasons,” Hood said.

  Kline nodded.

  “Bob, do we know whether Beaudin has access to the same NATO files we used?” Hood asked.

  “He probably does,” Herbert said. “At the very least, whoever is behind this would probably assume that the bishop will not be unprotected.”

  “Mr. Kline, what does the Vatican risk by letting this play out a little longer?” Hood asked.

  “A great deal. If this were simply about the return of Father Bradbury, I would agree to let the church go untenanted for a time,” Kline replied. “But it isn’t. It’s about the credibility of the Vatican and its commitment to those who have literally put their faith in us, not just in Botswana but around the world. These are volatile, militant times. The Church cannot afford to be as passive as it has been in the past.”

  “Flip the question,” Hood said. “Can Dhamballa afford to let Bishop Max take up where Father Bradbury left off?”

  “We don’t know,” Kline admitted. “We’re hoping the Vatican’s resolve will discourage him from ratcheting this higher.”

  “You mean by attacking a bishop,” Hood said.

  Kline nodded.

  “What if that’s what Dhamballa wants?” Herbert asked. “What if he’s looking to prove how bold he is by taking on the Church? How outsiders return to his land without hesitation.”

  “Then we will have an extremely grave situation on our hands,” Kline admitted. “The Church is not willing to give up its missionary activities in Botswana or anywhere else.”

  Hood turned to his political adviser. “Ron, what kind of ramifications are we looking at if there’s a civil war in Botswana?” Hood asked.

  “A politically based war would be bad enough,” Plummer said. “With that alone, you would run the risk of having tens of thousands of refugees clawing into South Africa and starting border violence there. But if we have a religious uprising, a situation where non-Christians are turning on Catholics, the Hindu and Islamic minorities in South Africa could be inspired—or encouraged—into doing the same thing.”

  “And make no mistake,” Kline added, “if there is a conflict in the region, Johannesburg would have to move very quickly to shut the border and protect its people, its workforce. They cannot afford to lose the income from exports. Turmoil in South African industry would affect regional supplies of steel, corn, wool, metals, and the international market for diamonds.”

  Hood and Herbert exchanged glances at the mention of diamonds. Kline did not appear to notice.

  “In the case of a religious war, you’ve also potentially got serious problems to the west, east, and north of Botswana,” Plummer went on. “To the west, you’ve got Namibians, half of whom are Christian. The other half practice ancient, traditional beliefs.”

  “Those are the people who would be drawn to Dhamballa, whose cult draws from a variety of old sources,” Kline pointed out. “It would be worse to the east, in Zimbabwe, where followers of traditional faiths outnumber Christians two to one. And we could well see open persecution in the north, in Angola. The majority of the Christians there are Roman Catholic, but they are still outnumbered nearly four to one by traditionalists. That could fuel tribal disputes that have nothing to do with religion.”

  “One well-placed flame, and the entire region could blow up,” Plummer said. “And it will not just explode. It will be pulled in so many directions—political, religious, economic, and social—that it will be impossible to find the original pieces, let alone reassemble them.”

  “All right. Let’s back up,” Hood said. “What is the government of Botswana doing and likely to do to deal with this situation?”

  “At the moment, they’re doing nothing beyond a search,” Kline said. “They interviewed the people at the lodge and are tracking the movements of the kidnappers. But until they know more about Dhamballa and where his cult is headed, they don’t want to aggravate the situation by overreacting.”

  “Religious radicals and would-be rebels are not unknown outside the cities,” Plummer remarked. “They have undoubtedly had to deal with things like this before, events that pass under the international radar.”

  “And if the struggle between the Vatican and Dhamballa escalates?” Hood asked. “What then, Ron?”

  “If Gaborone feels that Dhamballa has built any kind of power base, they will probably negotiate with him,” Plummer said. “As I said, cults are not uncommon over there. The big difference is that this one may have snatched a priest.”

  “The risk you run is giving Dhamballa added legitimacy by fighting him,” Herbert said to Kline.

  “Or negotiating with him,” Kline replied.

  “There are different levels of negotiation, Edgar,” Hood pointed out. “Gaborone can open a dialogue without legitimizing his actions. Does the Botswana president—what’s his name?”

  “Butere,” Kline said. “Michael Butere.”

  “Does President Butere know about the possible involvement of the Brush Vipers and foreign interests in Dhamballa’s activities?” Hood asked.

  “We have told him about the possible involvement of former Brush Vipers,” Kline acknowledged. “But since they helped eject the British and remain heroes to an older segment of the population, he is not prepared to pronounce them rebels. We have not said anything to the president about Albert Beaudin.”

  “Why not?” Herbert asked. “The Botswana government might be the ultimate target. He should have that intelligence.”

  “We’re more concerned about the Vatican’s relations with France,” Kline said. “We absolutely do not want to implicate a leading French industrialist until we’re convinced that he’s involved.”

  “Then let the French government know,” Herbert said. “At least tell them your suspicions.”

  “That’s a bad idea, Bob,” Plummer said. “For all we know, there are people in power who are supporting Beaudin.”

  “That was our conclusion,” Kline said, “and we don’t want to risk turning key members of the government against our people in France. As I said, at the moment, our only concern is for the safety of our priests and missionaries.”

  “Which is as it should be,” Hood said firmly.

  Hood’s remark was meant more to rein Herbert in than to support Edgar Kline. Hood was right to take the shot at him. He had to have noticed that Herbert was a little less controlled than he should be. The intelligence chief had been fidgeting and scowling and looking in all different directions. It was more than Herbert simply being annoyed at Kline for not having told him about the Spanish military unit. Herbert also wished that he were running the HUMINT aspect of this operation. With all of the countries and all the hot potatoes involved, there would be enough work to go around. Still, Herbert envied Mike Rodgers being able to field the team on this one.

  Hood looked over at Plummer. “Suggestions, Ron?”

  “I have two,” Plummer replied. “First, Op-Center should move with considerable caution. We have domestic as well as international issues to consider. Anything we do has to be extremely low profile, invisible if possible.”

  “I agree,” Herbert said.

  “Having said that,” Plummer went on, “we can’t afford to let this blow up. As long as we have an exit strategy for our personnel and our involvement, we should give Mr. Kline any and all the intelligence support he requires.”

  “If we get involved, give me your nightmare meltdown scenario on the international side,” Hood said.
r />   “That’s easy,” Plummer said. “Someone who reports directly to us is apprehended in Botswana spying on the activities of a Botswana citizen. There’s no way the United States can pick on a religious movement in a small African nation and come out of it looking good.”

  “If the French are involved with Dhamballa, you can be certain we’ll get all the attention we don’t want,” Herbert said.

  Hood’s gaze shifted to Herbert. “Bob, how do we prep for that?”

  “That depends on Mr. Kline,” Herbert said. He looked at the Vatican security officer. “Ideally, we would send someone in with the bishop. Possibly disguised as a cleric. But I have a feeling his credentials would be checked by someone in the media.”

  “That’s correct,” Kline said.

  “But there is another way in,” Herbert said.

  “How?” Kline asked.

  “We can put someone in with the Spanish ‘tourists,’ ” Herbert said. “Edgar, do you think there would be a problem with that?”

  “There could be,” Kline admitted. “I’m told that Major Jose Sanjulian doesn’t work with outsiders.”

  “Brett August might be able to help us there,” Hood told him. “The colonel has maintained a very good relationship with officers from most of the NATO countries.”

  “If the UED commander doesn’t protest, I’m certain the Vatican will have no objections,” Kline told him. “Who did you have in mind for the undercover operation?”

  “A woman who just retired from Interpol and is probably entitled to a few weeks of vacation,” Herbert replied. “Maria Corneja-McCaskey.”

  SEVENTEEN

  Maun, Botswana Thursday, 4:30 P.M.

  The bus to Maun Center arrived at four o’clock. It had dropped off forty-two tourists and would wait for an hour before returning. Anyone who missed this bus would have to wait until eleven A.M. the following morning to leave the tourist center. Taxicabs were expensive, and there were very few of them after dark. Outside the city or off the highway, the uncertain terrain was not conducive to nighttime driving. Car rentals were mostly for foreigners who were driving the highways directly to Gaborone or the other major city, Francistown.

 

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