The Life also indicates in passing that Constantine retained control over the kingdom of Strathclyde. He personally escorted Cadroe to the border of Strathclyde and there commended him to his sub-king, Donald, son of Owain. In turn, Donald escorted the saint as far as Loida on his own border with Viking York before commending him to a man called Gunderic, who escorted him to the court of the Norwegian King Erik at York, who did not come to power until 947, implying a long stay in Strathclyde.
In 943 the aged King Constantine II chose to resign his kingship and retire to the monastery of St Andrews. He was certainly old and possibly infirm in body, although the Scottish Chronicle reports that he was alert enough in mind to urge his successor to invade England in 950. He spent the remainder of his years in relatively quiet retirement as a monk in the community at St Andrews. He had lost one son at Brunanburh in 937 and another was possibly still a hostage in England. The succession system in Alba, however, meant that he would be succeeded not by a son but by a member of another dynastic lineage. He had lived so long that it appears that, through natural or other losses in the various lineages, there was a relatively straightforward and undisputed succession. He was succeeded apparently without incident by Malcolm I, son of Donald or Mael Coluim mac Domnaill, who must have been at least 43 at the time and possibly older.
King Constantine II deserves to be remembered as the most remarkable of the early kings of Alba. He had taken part in three of the crucial battles of this period. In 904 at Strathearn, he had soundly defeated the last Viking attempt to subjugate Alba. In 918 at Corbridge, he had challenged Ragnall of York for hegemony over the remnant of English Northumbria in a hard fought battle. In 937 at Brunanburh he had been soundly defeated in alliance with his former enemies the Vikings against the rising power of King Athelstan of England. He had survived all these bloody encounters and had successfully preserved his kingdom intact. In 943 he surrendered to his successor, Malcolm I, a kingdom that had survived the worst that the Vikings could throw at it. It had emerged from heavy defeats at Viking hands under his earlier namesake stronger than before and better prepared to face the challenges ahead. It was now securely in control of the rich eastern lowlands of northern Britain from the borders of Moray in the north to the Firth of Forth in the south. It had secured a position of hegemony over the formerly independent kingdom of Strathclyde to its south-west. It had also begun to interfere in the affairs of the remnant of the former English kingdom of Northumbria. In the next sixty years Constantine’s successors would seek to consolidate their position in the north and to extend their control and influence over the rich lands to the south.
4
The March to the South
In 943 King Constantine II, son of Aed retired and surrendered the throne to his cousin Malcolm I, son of Donald or Mael Coluim mac Domnaill. Constantine retired to the monastery of St Andrews but continued to take an interest in the fate of the kingdom. In 943 Malcolm inherited a kingdom which now extended from the borders of Moray in the north to the Firth of Forth in the south. It included hegemony over the sub-kingdom of Strathclyde under Donald, son of Owain and a looser and more intermittent hegemony over the ealdormen of Northumbria, the rulers of the northern remnant of this ancient English kingdom. In the north, the kingdom was bounded by the semi-independent region of Moray, presently ruled by a man called Cellach, and beyond that by areas under the domination of the Viking earls of Orkney. In the west, it nominally extended to the western coasts but most probably effectively ended in the central uplands, where it merged into a series of semi-independent lordships ruled by local Gaelic chieftains which themselves bordered coastal and island areas ruled by various semi-independent kings. In the south, it abutted the Norse kingdom of York beyond which stretched the newly unified and still fragile but nevertheless powerful kingdom of the English. In the next sixty years, the kingdom of Alba would expand from this core, especially to the south, as its kings sought to absorb their southern client states.
At the start of his reign, Malcolm was already a mature man in his forties and probably somewhat older. In spite of this, he still found himself in the shadow of Constantine’s long and successful reign. He appears to have sought to establish his own reputation by extending his power northwards into Moray. The Scottish Chronicle reports that he invaded Moray and killed Cellach, who was most probably the ruler of this province strategically positioned between Alba and the lands under the domination of the earls of Orkney. It was an action which may have been informed by Constantine’s recent lack of success in expanding southwards in the face of the rising power of the kings of England. This had produced some limited gains in Strathclyde but had provoked formidable retaliation under Aethelstan in 934 and 937. It may have seemed to Malcolm that it was safer to seek to expand his authority in the north instead.
The wisdom of Malcolm’s action was quickly demonstrated when King Edmund of England exploited internal divisions among the Vikings to reoccupy York in 944. He expelled both of its current Viking rulers, the cousins Olaf Cuaran and Ragnall Gothfrithson, who subsequently fled to Dublin. King Edmund followed this up the following year by ravaging Cumberland, a name which appears to signify the region between the Rivers Solway and Ribble. He may have done so because it had offered an easy passage for the Dublin Vikings on their way to and from York. He did not seize this region himself but instead, according to The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, he ‘granted it [Cumberland] all to Malcolm King of Scots on condition that he should be his ally both on land and sea’. This partisan statement may in fact conceal an existing alliance between Edmund and Malcolm, which allowed them effectively to divide northern England between them. Thus Edmund seized York while Malcolm occupied Cumberland. It would not be surprising if, in reaction to the difficulties resulting from the previous enmity between their kingdoms, these two men had decided to test what profit might accrue from an alliance instead. If this was the case, it was clearly an arrangement which proved beneficial to them both.
In spite of the death of King Edmund in 946, this new alliance was probably renewed by his brother and successor Eadred. This suggests that it was regarded by both parties as a useful policy. It is reported, once again, in the partisan Anglo-Saxon Chronicle that ‘. . . the Scots gave oaths to him that they would agree to all he wanted.’ The Chronicle once again chooses to interpret this arrangement in its own fashion as a submission by the Scots to the English King. It is, however, more likely that this is a result of the English writer’s desire to portray this event in terms most flattering to his own king. There had been no major invasion of Scotland like that of 934 which might have triggered such an abject submission. It must therefore reflect, however distortedly, an agreement reached between the two kings with benefits for both. It seems likely that it was intended to deter any Viking attempts to restore their rule in York. It probably confirmed the status quo with the English occupation of York and the Scottish occupation of Cumberland. It is much less clear whether it dealt with the position in English Northumbria and, more importantly, if it did, what might have been agreed. Ealdorman Oswulf appears as a charter witness for King Eadred but is not mentioned in the submissions of this year unless the phrase ‘all Northumbria’ includes his northern portion.
In 947 Erik of Norway, who had been driven from his own kingdom by Hakon, a protégé of King Athelstan, briefly seized control of York. He was quickly expelled by Eadred but probably destabilised English control. In 949 Olaf Cuaran of Dublin, who had no doubt been roused from his lethargy by Erik’s recent success, seized York. It appears that Malcolm, King of Alba invaded Northumbria in 950 and plundered it as far as the Tees. In the account of this raid contained in the Scottish Chronicle, he is said to have ‘seized a multitude of people and many herds of cattle’. This raid may simply have aimed at securing plunder but wider motives are also likely. It may have been in response to Olaf’s success, but if so, why did Malcolm strike at Northumbria, which was not under Olaf’s rule? It is possible that the local English rul
ers had recognised Olaf’s hegemony and that this raid was in retaliation. It is also possible that Malcolm decided to exploit the distraction offered by Olaf’s intervention to enforce his own hegemony over Northumbria. The precise status of English Northumbria at this point is unclear. There was apparently no immediate response to Olaf’s success from the English kings and this may have dissuaded Malcolm from more direct action against York.
The Scottish Chronicle suggests that the retired elder statesman Constantine, son of Aed was instrumental in guiding Malcolm’s actions in 950. He had, after all, ruled Alba with great success for forty-three years and he probably still had supporters among the nobility. Constantine’s opinions must have carried great weight, but whether or not Malcolm’s aggression towards his southern neighbour during these years was actually incited by Constantine is uncertain. The old man had little reason to like the English, but equally he understood completely the reasons to avoid antagonising them. The author of the Scottish Chronicle knew that many people believed that Constantine had emerged from his monastic seclusion to lead this raid himself but was quite clear that this was untrue. It demonstrates clearly a perception that he continued to dominate the political scene in Alba, even from his retirement at St Andrews. He was perhaps a grey eminence behind Malcolm throughout the early years of his reign. If so, this must have been a considerable burden for Malcolm and was certainly one that no previous king had had to endure.
In 952, there was confusion in the restored Viking kingdom of York when the local nobles themselves apparently expelled Olaf Cuaran and welcomed Erik of Norway in his place. The reasons for this internal dispute are obscure but were probably connected to the rivalry between these two figures to rule this wealthy trading town. This internal disruption probably encouraged Malcolm to intervene and he perhaps even hoped to secure control of York before Eadred was ready to do so. He may even have been encouraged by Constantine, as a final act before his death in this year. It must have seemed that King Eadred was continuing to ignore the Viking presence in York at this time. In fact, he was quietly working to undermine their independence. He arrested and imprisoned Archbishop Wulfstan of York, who had actively supported the Viking rulers for some time. It is possible that he may even have encouraged Malcolm to intervene.
It would appear from the Annals of Ulster that King Malcolm organised a substantial expedition against the Viking rulers of York in 952. The result of this invasion was a battle between the Scots, Britons and Saxons on one side and the Vikings on the other. The leaders of the opposing forces are not identified, but they can only be King Malcolm and either Olaf or Erik of York. It is difficult otherwise to work out how an encounter between precisely these opposing forces might have occurred at this time. The record clearly suggests that Malcolm commanded not only the men of Alba but also contingents under the sub-king of Strathclyde and, however unlikely it appears, from Northumbria. Unfortunately, King Malcolm was soundly defeated and forced to abandon any further plans he may have had to capture York himself. Malcolm’s ambitious plans had come to nothing and he may even have inadvertently assisted King Eadred of England. The latter was now faced with a weakened King Erik in York and within two years would move to secure the town.
In 954 Malcolm, no doubt smarting from his defeat in the south two years previously, abandoned his activities on this front and turned north once again. He resumed his earlier strategy of expansion in the north at the expense of the rulers of Moray. Unfortunately, he was killed at Fetteresso near Dunnottar by men from the Mearns. The latter may possibly have been led by Maelbrigte, Mormaer of Angus, the son of that Dubucan, who had possibly been a key supporter of Constantine II until his death in 938. Whether the killing occurred before or after the invasion of Moray is unknown, but the aftermath of an unsuccessful invasion seems to offer a more likely context for some kind of rebellion against the King. If Malcolm had indeed suffered a second major defeat, it would certainly have undermined his authority. In these circumstances, there was plenty of scope for malcontents, including supporters of rival lineages, to take action.
In 954, King Erik of York fled the town following a rebellion by the local nobility and the imminent approach of King Eadred of England and his army. According to a report preserved in a late source by Roger of Wendover, he appears to have headed north-west in an effort to reach the Irish Sea coast, possibly by way of Cumberland. He was betrayed and killed in a ‘lonely place’, usually presumed to be Stainmore, by a man called Maccus. The assassination was reportedly instigated by Ealdorman Oswulf of Northumbria, who may have been attempting to court the favour of Eadred. This was perhaps a natural development in the light of Eadred’s increasing power at this time. The occupation of York placed Eadred on the borders of English Northumbria and offered a threat that could not be ignored. Oswulf had lost his only alternative protector with the death of Malcolm in the north in this same year. In addition, the defeat of his forces in company with those of Alba in 952, may have discouraged thoughts of holding on to that alliance. Oswulf was certainly richly rewarded for his action since Eadred appointed him Ealdorman of York in addition to his existing authority over English Northumbria. This possibly temporary change in allegiance – the Ealdormen had switched before – would, however, become something more permanent with the demise of an independent Viking York.
In spite of his relatively short reign of only ten years, in comparison with his predecessor Constantine, Malcolm I had proved to be a fairly successful ruler. He appears to have actively contained the potential threat from Moray in the north. He also made excellent use of his alliance with the English rulers to expand and consolidate his authority in the south. He secured or extended southwards the boundaries of his sub-kingdom of Strathclyde probably as far as Stainmore and secured hegemony over English Northumbria for a short time. He even intervened in the Viking kingdom of York, possibly with a view to seizing control of this rich prize, though ultimately unsuccessfully.
Malcolm was succeeded by a man called ‘Edulb’ or Idulf, son of Constantine or Idulb mac Castantin. He had probably waited in the wings for some time in hopes of succeeding his long-lived father and was probably well into middle age. It has been suggested that his name is derived from a Norse name like Hildulf. It is more likely to be a version of ‘Ettulb’, which features in the Annals of Ulster in 913 as the Gaelic equivalent for the English name Eadwulf. This suggests the intriguing possibility that he had an English mother and that she might have been a relative, perhaps a daughter, of Ealdorman Eadwulf of Northumbria who died in 913. If this suggestion is correct, it would be the first known marriage between the kings of Alba and the English. It might also throw more light on the relations between the kings of Alba and the ealdormen of Northumbria. They might have been based as much on close family ties as on alliance between two political entities. Such a marriage could have taken place during Ealdred’s exile in Alba between 915 and 918. It would offer an added incentive for Constantine’s invasion in support of Ealdred in 918.
It appears that early in his reign, King Idulf exiled Fothad, son of Bran, Bishop of St Andrews to the Isles. This information is contained in rather late sources, which place the event in 955, the first year of his reign. The action is attributed to a quarrel between the two but it must surely have been about something fairly fundamental to warrant such punishment. In view of the timing, it seems likely that the dispute concerned Idulf’s refusal to endorse the agreement reached in 906 between his father and Bishop Cellach on the Hill of Faith at Scone. This fundamental contract between Church and State had probably been renewed by Malcolm on his succession, but Idulf may have had reservations. Whatever the exact cause it resulted in the expulsion of Fothad, who lived in exile for the rest of Idulf’s reign and was only restored following his death in 962. The consequences of this for the Church in Alba are also unknown but may have been severe.
If King Idulf was indeed an Anglo-Scot, it might explain his more direct intervention in English Northumbria. He sought
to build on his predecessors’ unsuccessful efforts to secure control of this region. He wanted this control to be direct and personal rather than mediated through the ealdormen. He may even have felt that he had a right to rule there through his mother. According to the Scottish Chronicle, at some point during his reign, he seized control of Edinburgh from the English Northumbrians. This presumably included the surrounding area that would become known as Lothian, although the sources do not confirm this. The fortress is described in the Chronicle as having been ‘evacuated and abandoned to the Scots’. This suggests that it did not succumb to direct assault, something which might have been difficult for the Scots to achieve. It was perhaps brought to submission by a process of raiding the surrounding region and hence cutting its supplies. Indeed, we know that Malcolm had probably been raiding in this same area in 950. Its surrender may even have been negotiated peacefully. A fortress like Edinburgh which was distant from the sea and possible supply would be vulnerable in this way. The loss of Edinburgh must have been a severe blow for Ealdorman Oswulf. It would also have been suitable revenge for his change of allegiance in 954. If Oswulf had ceased to be subject to the kings of Alba, he was no longer entitled to their protection and Idulf had no duty to respect his borders.
This important southward advance by Idulf is not dated in our sources but it might be attributable to the period of confusion that occurred after the death of Eadred in 955. He had been succeeded by his nephew Eadwig, the eldest son of his deceased older brother King Edmund. In 957, King Eadwig quarrelled with his younger brother Edgar and the English kingdom was subsequently divided between them, with Edgar ruling Mercia and Northumbria and Eadwig ruling Wessex. This uneasy settlement lasted until 959 when Eadwig died and Edgar succeeded to the whole kingdom. This partition effectively weakened English power and distracted the attention of its rulers for two years and it might have caused them to accept the loss of Edinburgh without retaliation.
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