by Alan Bardos
Breitner gathered himself and tried not to think about the possibilities the future held; everything still depended on the outcome of this meeting. He began to record the report of Count Alexander Hoyos, a senior official from the Foreign Office. Hoyos had just returned from Berlin, where he'd been dispatched at the beginning of the assassination crisis, to determine German support for any punitive action the Monarchy chose to take against Serbia.
Hoyos was currently explaining that the Kaiser had been at the Kiel Regatta when the news from Sarajevo was delivered; he was reported to have said that the assassination had shaken him to the depths of his soul and that Franz Ferdinand had been one of his closest friends.
Hoyos had met with the German Chancellor, Bethmann Hollweg, and the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alfred Zimmermann. They'd given him firm assurances of German support for any action the Monarchy chose to take against Serbia. 'They left it to the Monarchy's discretion as to what form that action should take,' Hoyos concluded, adding that Germany felt that they should act immediately, while there was still worldwide sympathy for the assassination of the Archduke.
'But what of the Russians, my dear Hoyos?' Berchtold, the elegant Imperial Foreign Minister, asked with effortless charm. Breitner could see why he was sometimes compared to a poodle by his political opponents.
'The view in Berlin is that the Russians will not interfere in what is largely a matter of honour,' Hoyos replied.
'I'm not so sure,' Berchtold said, addressing his comments to the assembled ministers. 'I believe it is very likely that Russia will intervene if we invade Serbia. Nonetheless, if we don't act now we are only delaying the inevitable. Russia is continuing to spread its influence amongst the South Slavs and building a Balkan alliance against us. Added to that, we have the growing problem of nationalism within our borders, undermining the cohesion of the Monarchy.
'The situation will only deteriorate if we don't make a timely settlement of accounts with Serbia. The South Slavs within the Monarchy will align themselves with the new revived Balkan states, in the face of the Monarchy's perceived decline.'
Breitner quickly wrote down what Berchtold had said, as his view was echoed and supported by the other council members. 'In short,' Berchtold summed up, 'now is the time to take decisive action against Serbia, while unconditional support from Germany is guaranteed. The only way we can stabilise the Empire and secure our southern border is to make a decisive show of force and dismember Serbia, absorbing her into the Monarchy and dividing what we don't need amongst her enemies. Thus, we will eliminate Serbia as a political factor, once and for all.'
'That is totally unacceptable,’ Tisza said, outraged by the suggestion. His objection, Breitner presumed, was that if any more angry South Slavs were brought into the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy they would cause more trouble and dilute the Magyar power base, undermining its control of the Hungarian half of the Monarchy.
'Is it your personal view that Serbia should be added into the Monarchy, Foreign Minister, and not necessarily a view supported by our German allies?'
Berchtold made no reply and Tisza continued. 'As I see it, there is no necessity for overwhelming or immediate action. War would not solve any of our problems. If we were to attack Serbia without any warning it would only undermine our standing and position in the world and start a war with Russia. The rational course of action is to present a list of demands to Serbia. If they agree to them we would win a major diplomatic victory, humiliating Serbia and greatly increasing our standing in the Balkans.'
'What if our demands are rejected?' Berchtold asked.
'Then we'd have the moral justification for taking military action - something along the lines of a short term occupation of Belgrade, not a full scale destruction of Serbia, which Russia would never stand for.'
Berchtold pointed out that previous diplomatic victories against Serbia may have increased the Monarchy’s standing in Europe, but they'd only stirred up further trouble among the nationalists in the Balkans, which had led directly to the assassination of the heir to the throne. It was time for a radical solution and to do away with the Pan-Slav movements once and for all.
Berchtold’s statement was strongly applauded. Sturgkh added his endorsement. 'If we employ a policy of indecision and weakness, Germany could lose confidence in the Monarchy and withdraw its support.' Bilinski and Krobatin also agreed, arguing that a diplomatic victory would be pointless unless it led to war.
'I am not convinced that the Serbian Government was complicit in the assassination,' Tisza said. His statement was met with dismay by the council members. Constitutionally, they needed his assent before any resolution could be passed.
Tisza was nonplussed by the reaction of his council colleagues. 'There is some evidence to suggest that Serbia trained and equipped the terrorists who carried out this terrible outrage, but it is not conclusive,’ he said, before looking at Breitner. ‘There is even some evidence to suggest that the terrorists were acting on their own initiative. We need proof before an ultimatum can be delivered. I therefore suggest further investigation to find out the extent of Serbia’s involvement - then we can put informed demands to the Serbian Government. If they fail to meet these demands, military action will be inevitable. We will then legitimately be able to argue that we are acting in self defence and would not run the risk of alienating the Balkan states and starting a war we cannot win.'
Tisza put in a final caveat. 'While our demands should humiliate Serbia, they should not be so excessive that they couldn't possibly accept them - otherwise the whole exercise would be wasted.'
The Joint Council had little choice other than to accept Count Tisza's proposal. Breitner was delighted; he may not have saved his country from war, but he might at least have helped to save it from annihilation. He hoped that it would be enough.
*
Johnny waited in a long, draughty corridor, surrounded by the Imperial grandeur of an empire in decline. He wasn't sure what possible use he could be now; he'd done his bit and wanted to find Libby, so he could press on to Brussels.
The self-important Hungarian aristocrat had insisted that he be at hand - Johnny thought that his impudence was astounding. It was almost enough to make him want to take up Princip's banner of violent action. Johnny smiled to himself; he couldn't imagine a rabid revolutionary who liked his creature comforts as much as he did.
He wondered briefly what had happened to Gavro and the rest. Then he decided that it was probably best not to ask; he didn't really care anyway. They'd known it was a one way ticket from the start and Johnny still had a lot more living to do - something he planned to start immediately with the lovely Lady Elizabeth Smyth, before she went back to her husband and he moved onto his beguiling dancer.
He considered himself to have been dashed lucky to have met Pinkie at the station. Johnny and Breitner had arrived in Vienna some time earlier, but it seemed fitting to make a final farewell to the Royal couple, whose lives had become so inextricably entwined with their own.
Pinkie had approached them, introduced himself to Breitner and invited them both to a gathering at the Embassy in honour of Franz Ferdinand. Such things were apparently essential to measure the mood of the diplomatic community. Pinkie even hinted that Libby would be there and Johnny decided that he'd been wrong about Pinkie and that he was in fact, a bloody decent chap.
Breitner had declined the invitation, but made no objection to Johnny attending. Breitner hadn't been at the top of his game since their arrival in Vienna and Johnny assumed it was something to do with what had happened to this Redl chap.
Breitner and his new master, Count Tisza, finally came out of their conference and ushered Johnny into a room that had been decorated in a squiggly, white-gold, Rococo style. Tisza handed Johnny a letter with the Imperial Seal on it.
'Lovely job. That should do the trick. Much obliged, governor,' Johnny said. He wasn't sure how much use the letter would be now, but he thought he'd play the game. Unfortunately, hi
s attempt at cheeky cockney didn't cut any more ice with the Hungarian Prime Minster than his schoolboy Hungarian had. Johnny grinned - it had still been worth the effort of learning it. There had been a very forceful Hungarian maid at his boarding house in Paris. She'd taught him the basics and quickly helped him get over his disappointment at being in Paris and not actually having a French maid. It was a truly unique language.
'I need you to accompany Breitner back to Sarajevo, to assist him in his investigations.' Tisza's voice cut through Johnny's memories.
'I beg your pardon. I think I missed something,' Johnny said.
Breitner gave Johnny a fierce look as the Count repeated himself. 'It's very likely that there will be a war. If so, as I’ve explained, we need to enter it in conditions favourable to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.'
Johnny understood. 'You don't want to look like the bad guys and bring in Russia and half the Balkan states against you. So you want Breitner and myself to go all the way back to Sarajevo and rake up some dirt to prove that the Serbians planned and executed the whole thing. Very wise.'
Tisza looked a little piqued by Johnny's glib analysis, but decided to rise above it. 'The Germans have given us unconditional support to act as we see fit, but they don’t think the Russians will interfere in our bid to get justice for our dead Heir. However, if Russia does object to any military action we take against Serbia, I would like to be able to demonstrate that we were acting purely in self defence against the aggressive actions of a foreign state.'
'And what if we can't find anything?' Johnny asked, 'I've told you that Gavro and the rest were acting on their own.'
Tisza continued to look annoyed by Johnny’s informal style of address, much to Johnny’s amusement. Breitner spoke, to save Tisza's fury. 'What we need, Johnny, is clear, definite evidence of the role Serbia played in the assassinations of the Heir and his consort.'
'If you can find evidence to confirm your claims that the Serbian Government wasn't directly involved in the assassination, so much the better. We might be able to prevent a war, but I don't think it’s very likely that you will find anything. What we are concerned with here is demonstrating the rightness of our cause,' Tisza stated.
'I see,' Johnny said. He definitely didn't like the sound of that, but the easiest thing was to play along. If he refused to go, Johnny didn't doubt for a moment that Breitner would drag him back to Sarajevo in chains.
'Count Berchtold, the Imperial Foreign Minister, is sending a special emissary, Friedrich von Wiesner, to investigate the assassination in Sarajevo and to ascertain what role the Serbian Government played in it,' Tisza continued.
'And you want me to help him somehow?' Johnny asked.
'Dr Wiesner is a diligent and conscientious official, but he is a lawyer not a specialist on the South Slav people. I think your insight into the assassins might be useful in gaining further information from them,' Tisza answered.
'I’m sure there will be a use for you. We could even send you to Belgrade. As an English citizen you could go there and speak to the leaders of the Black Hand, as an unofficial intermediary,' Breitner said indifferently. Johnny looked around at him in horror, realising that Breitner really didn’t care what happened to him.
'You will, of course, receive the thanks of a grateful nation for your services,' Tisza said, in the same way he'd thank a servant for polishing his boots, and then pointed at the door.
'When do we leave?' Johnny asked Breitner as they left the Ballhausplatz and made their way past the romantic splendour of the Hofburg Palace into Michealerplatz.
‘There is a special train laid on for us in the morning.’ Breitner said, distracted as they turned onto Herrengasse.
‘So I can still attend that function at the British Embassy?’
‘I’ll send your apologies. We have an early start and we should prepare for the investigation in Sarajevo,’ Breitner said.
‘We can do that on the train. Really, there is no need for me not to go. I mean, it is in the honour of the Archduke and it will be shocking bad form if I don’t go. I might even be able to find out what the thinking is in London about your little Balkans predicament.’
Breitner gave him a preoccupied look as they returned to the Hotel Klomser. ‘Go if you must, Johnny. You’ll only get in my way if you stay.’
Chapter 42
Johnny relaxed in the warm embrace of the Diplomatic Service, free to enjoy the restrained elegance of the British Embassy in Vienna, surrounded by the sparkle of a well organised function. There was no way he would go back to Sarajevo, not for anything. He’d received his letter of commendation and something special was formulating in the back of his mind. Even if Libby wouldn't play along, Johnny had an idea innovative enough to dazzle his superiors.
Most significantly, Johnny didn't have Breitner with him to stop him drinking. It was a welcome change after the hardships he'd endured and no more than he felt he deserved.
Pinkie was helping Johnny along nicely with the champagne, making sure that the waiters didn't miss him as they circulated the room. Pinkie had even provided Johnny with a frock coat for the occasion; Johnny was amazed by how much of a decent chap he was turning out to be.
'Look, Johnny, I'm sorry about this,' Pinkie said, as he passed him another glass of champagne. 'Awfully sordid to talk shop I know, but we're rather in need of a translator and I seem to remember you talking Russian to that Trotsky chap… would you mind? It's for the Chief.'
'I'd love to.' Johnny flushed - he'd been drinking and hadn't intended to sound quite so keen.
'Yes, quite.' Pinkie tried not to grimace at Johnny’s exuberance and led him to Sir Maurice de Bunsen, the British Ambassador in Vienna, who was happily conversing in French with his Russian counterpart, Nikolai Shebeko and their respective staff members about some business in Persia. They didn't appear to need Johnny and so he began to search the crowd for Libby.
'You! Yes, you. Kindly pay attention and translate what His Excellency is saying.' Johnny looked back and saw that de Bunsen and the cream of Vienna's diplomatic core were staring at him in silent rage. The Russian Ambassador had started to speak in Russian.
Johnny apologised to de Bunsen and broke into the fluent Russian of his early, happy childhood. 'I'm sincerely sorry, Your Excellency. Please forgive my eccentricity.'
The Russian Ambassador frowned. 'In answer to Sir Maurice’s question, we intend to consolidate our position in the Middle East in order to defend against German encroachment on our interests in that region. Germany’s association with the Ottoman Empire is a direct threat to Russia's aim of acquiring the Bosporus Straits and Constantinople. We will not allow them to have the door to where we live.' This was obviously a subject which the Russian Ambassador felt very strongly about and he could only express his strength of feeling in his mother tongue.
Johnny translated for de Bunsen, who asked if Russia would use the current crisis developing in the Balkans as a pretext to drive off the German threat and realise their aspirations for Constantinople.
The Russian Ambassador glowered at Johnny. 'The Imperial Russian Government has no intention of going to war on behalf of Serbia,' Johnny translated as the Ambassador continued to speak. 'However, if the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy were to crush Serbia, the predominance of both Austro-Hungary and her allies in the near east would become a serious threat to Russia's security. Our interests in the region would also be seriously impeded by a drop in prestige if Russia were not to fulfil its historic role as defender of the Slavs. We would be considered no more than a second rate power.'
De Bunsen exchanged a look with Pinkie and his staff. Johnny didn’t think Russia would stand for any further drop in status after the humiliation they’d suffered in their war with Japan and Austria's subsequent annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
'Any threat to the sovereignty of our Balkan little brothers, caused by the crime in Sarajevo, would not go unnoticed in Russia. We would have no choice but to defend the interests of both o
urselves and our allies,' the Russian Ambassador said, reminding Johnny of something that Count Tisza had told him.
'But the Germans don't believe that Russia will intervene in what is essentially a matter of honour for Austro-Hungary to gain justice for their dead Heir,' Johnny blurted out in Russian before he’d thought about what he was saying. Both the Russian Ambassador and his staff eyed Johnny dubiously.
'What on earth are you saying to the Russian Ambassador?' de Bunsen asked, sensing a possible diplomatic incident. Johnny repeated what he’d said in English.
'You can’t possibly know that is the German Government’s thinking,' de Bunsen said sharply, putting Johnny in his place and making it clear that he had no business interpreting the policy of a great power.
‘I have a contact in the Austro-Hungarian Government,’ Johnny said proudly, and sensing an opportunity to shine in front of the British Ambassador, he relayed what Count Tisza had said to him during their last meeting.
‘Who is this contact?’ Pinkie asked. Johnny thought he sounded as if his professional pride had been hurt. ‘You’ve been in Vienna five minutes - you couldn’t have had time to make such a high level connection.’
Johnny doubted that they'd believe him if he said that it was the Hungarian Prime Minister, and he didn’t want to show Pinkie up any more, so he told them about Breitner, exaggerating his importance in the Joint Ministry of Finance. Johnny explained that he'd liaised with Breitner during a recent fact-finding trip that he’d undertaken in Bosnia.
‘Is that the chap you were with at the station?’ Pinkie asked, turning to de Bunsen. ‘Swift was in the company of an official from the Joint Ministry of Finance when I met him at the station, sir. They’d both returned from Sarajevo.’