The great majority of the men who appear in the following pages were regular soldiers who were already serving when war was declared in August 1914, the remainder, with the exception of Second Lieutenant Baron Alexis de Gunzburg, were either reservists or former soldiers with a military pedigree. All did their duty as soldiers to king, country and regiment and in doing so occasionally demonstrated courage and gallantry that was above and beyond the call of duty. As a former soldier I have always marvelled at the manner in which the BEF stood their ground before Ypres in the last months of 1914. The horrors of sustained shell fire and its impact on the men occupying the trench lines, many of which provided very little protection, must have been the stuff of nightmares. So too must have been the relentless onslaught of the German infantry that outnumbered them and reduced some of the finest battalions of the British Army to a mere handful of men. The very fact that they remained in their positions day after day, often in the most appalling weather conditions, says a great deal about the quality of the men who fought in France and Flanders in 1914.
Typical of the resolute tenacity to be found along the thin line of defence that stretched from north of Ypres to La Bassée in the south was the mindset of Second Lieutenant John Lee Steere who was fighting with the 2nd Battalion Grenadier Guards (2/Grenadier Guards).2 After being on the receiving end of a heavy artillery bombardment at Klein Zillebeke that lasted most of the day, Lee Steere apologizes in one of his letters to his mother for the ‘rather disjointed’ nature of his writing, ‘I must confess to being rather jumpy at the moment’ he wrote, ‘I hope it will pass off.’ When I first read John Lee Steere’s letters I had to remind myself I was reading the words of a teenage subaltern who had been at the front for less than a week and not those of a seasoned regimental officer.
The personal letters of John Lee Steere, Lieutenant Colonel Gordon Wilson and Lieutenant the Hon William Reginald Wyndham have without doubt enriched the text and provided an insight into the character of the men who wrote them. The Lee Steere letters present us with a personal glimpse into the trenches of 2/Grenadier Guards from the perspective of a novice platoon commander while the letters of Gentleman Cadet Wyndham, writing home from Sandhurst in 1894, rarely mention anything of a military nature and reflect very much the gentlemanly disdain for any form of professionalism that was prevalent at the time. On the other hand Gordon Wilson’s letters to his wife recount his regiment’s actions and reveal his growing concern at the number of casualties and his pride in their achievements. If he had any fears for his own future he kept them very much to himself. ‘I keep well,’ he wrote on 30 October, ‘and am standing the life very well. I think of you always.’
A prolific letter writer, Regy Wyndham also kept a private diary that fortunately survived his death and was eventually returned to his mother at Petworth House.3 His first entry was on 5 October on the SS Indore as he steamed towards Zeebrugge with the 3rd Cavalry Division, his last entry being two days before his death a little over a month later. The Wyndham diary in particular contains one of the very few personal accounts of 7 Cavalry Brigade’s fight at Zandvoorde on 30 October 1914, an action that is to some extent still cloaked by obscurity to this day. Similarly, Major Lord Bernard Gordon Lennox’s diary began on the sea crossing from Southampton on 12 August and concluded a few days before his death in November 1914. His diary covers the retreat from Mons, the struggle on the Aisne and the fighting around Ypres and is a classic account of a battalion of the Grenadier Guards at war. The extracts from both diaries appear as they were written except for the addition of the occasional word to aid clarity or the identification of an individual referred to in the text.
These men were part of a regular army that had evolved from nearly a century of reform and reorganization. Many had fought in South Africa in the second Boer War and most were typical of the Edwardian officer corps in their social origins and outlook. The book traces the historical and political processes that saw the British Army emerge from being the plaything of the aristocracy to the professional organization it became in the early twentieth century. By 1914 the regimental system that fostered regimental pride and spirit was at the very heart of British military tradition. A good proportion of officers were bound to their regiments by strong family ties and were part of a close knit community that knew each other well; many like Lord Bernard Gordon Lennox had married the sister of another officer in the regiment and followed his father and grandfather into the regimental fold.4 His brother, Charles Gordon Lennox, married a daughter of Thomas Brassey the railway pioneer and the eldest of the Brassey brothers, Henry Brassey, was his brother-in-law. All the Brassey’s served either in the Household Brigade or, in the case of Henry, in the Northamptonshire Yeomanry. These military dynasties were commonplace as family names became linked to regiments with the result that, even in 1914, connections rather than ability still continued to cloud judgement to some extent when it came to promotion.
Despite the reforms, the officer corps that went to war in 1914 was still very much educationally and socially exclusive. The previous dominance by the aristocracy and landed gentry was, however, in decline. In fact by 1912, apart from the Household Division and the Foot Guards regiments, the aristocracy and landed gentry comprised only forty-one percent of the entire officer corps and some sixty-four percent of the officers holding the rank of major general and above. There is no doubt the officer corps was still influenced very much by the values of the gentry and officers were expected to behave within the largely unwritten code of gentlemanly behaviour. When on active service it went without saying that regimental officers were expected to display leadership and gallantry and, if they could do so, retain as much gentlemanly demeanour as possible. Historian Gary Sheffield has made the point that ‘officer man relations were characterized by the deferential conduct of other ranks in exchange for the paternalism of their officers.’ This paternalistic behaviour would have included an expectation from the rank and file of appropriate behaviour from their officers both on and off the battlefield. The Canadian military historian, Desmond Morton, suggests appropriate behaviour on the battlefield for regimental officers was quite straightforward:
‘They gave leadership, took responsibility, and set an example, if necessary, by dying … Implicit was the assumption that the officer would be the first to die in battle. Officers were the first out of the trench in an assault … and the last out in a retreat.’
The close knit exclusivity of the army of 1914 meant that few officers were unaffected by the casualty lists that took up so many column inches of the daily press. I will always remember first reading my grandfather’s diary of 1914 where he listed the names of his friends who were appearing in the casualty lists. The lists stopped rather abruptly in early October when he wrote, ‘I have stopped recording now; the list is becoming too long.’ Apart from losing personal friends, of which there were many, both Bernard Gordon Lennox and Regy Wyndham received news of brothers who had been badly injured in the fighting around Ypres during October 1914. As you might expect, the deaths of friends and family members filtered through via the casualty lists, letters from home or by word of mouth. Lieutenant Michael Stocks, fighting with the Grenadiers on the Aisne in September, had news from home that his cousin Lieutenant Francis Levita had been killed with the 4th Hussars (4/Hussars) whilst on a cavalry reconnaissance, and before his death on 17 November 1914, John Lee Steere read in the press of the death in action of two of his cousins.
The gallant Brigadier General Charles FitzClarence VC, who was killed leading his men in December 1914, was not only related through marriage but was also a personal friend of Gordon Wilson. The distressing news of Wilson’s death at Zwarteleen would have reached FitzClarence’s headquarters at FitzClarence Farm via brigade staff by late evening or early the next day. Lieutenant Colonel Lord Henry Crichton, who was killed commanding the Composite Household Cavalry Regiment on 31 October at Messines, was related to Captain Richard Dawson serving with the Coldstream Guard
s. The sad account of Crichton’s death quickly travelled through the units of the Guards Brigade and was passed on to Dawson in the trenches at Polygon Wood. The casualty lists of 1914 were the death knell of the Regular Army and I can understand my grandfather’s grief when he wrote in January 1915, ‘all the old families are disappearing, so many of my friends are gone and we have only just begun this dreadful war.’
Over the past two years I have come to know the Zillebeke men and their circumstances well. My research has led me to make numerous visits to the churchyard at Zillebeke and the surrounding area. I have walked the front line they so resolutely defended and stood on the ground where they fought and died. I have been privileged to read the letters they wrote and the diaries they kept; I have made visits to the schools and universities they attended and the places at which they lived and worked. They died in a war that was fought in our name over ninety years ago, a sacrifice we, and future generations, should never forget. This is their story.
Jerry Murland
Coventry
August 2009
Chapter 1
Zillebeke Churchyard
I first came across the Zillebeke churchyard cemetery almost by accident. I was driving through the village in February 2006 looking for the larger Maple Copse cemetery when my attention was drawn to a small cluster of Commonwealth War Graves Commission (CWGC) headstones in the churchyard. After a closer inspection of the dates on the headstones it was apparent that this was the final resting place of a number of officers and men who had been part of the original BEF of 1914 and who had fought in the First Battle of Ypres.
As with all such cemeteries the location and the manner in which they are laid out can often provide the historian with clues offering some insight into the circumstances that led to a particular locality being used. The rather random layout of headstones at Zillebeke, a known hot-spot in the Ypres Salient, suggested that the cemetery had suffered badly from the effects of enemy shell fire and the apparent empty spaces were possibly the unmarked graves of men whose names have been lost. I was instantly captivated by the poignancy of the place and resolved to find out more about the small number of men who lay in this peaceful spot at the centre of the village.
These were the men who had sailed for France in the early months of the war and who had ‘played the game’ to the last just as they had been taught throughout their boyhood years at school. They were men of a different character and disposition than those who followed; they were part of the last legions of Edwardian gentlemen: chivalrous, privileged, stubbornly proud of their traditions and patriots to the core. Above all, they epitomized the professional British soldier of 1914, earning the devotion of their men and the respect of their opponents. As an officer class we shall never see their like again.
Apart from the seventeen 1914 burials at Zillebeke, there is one other British officer whose death in November 1914 is commemorated inside the church itself. Although his name appears on the Menin Gate at Ypres, his family paid for a memorial plaque to be laid after the church was reconstructed. Lieutenant Alfred Felix Schuster was killed at Hooge serving with 4/Hussars and even though his body was recovered by the regiment after his death, there is no record of where he was eventually buried. Surviving members of the family are unable to shed any light as to why the plaque was placed at Zillebeke but the fact that his memorial is in the church suggests he might have been buried after his death on 20 November by his regiment in the churchyard. The churchyard is a little over a mile away from the chateâu on the Menin Road where he was killed.
Table 1: The register of 1914 burials at Zillebeke churchyard cemetery.
The men recorded in the Zillebeke cemetery register, and in the church, took part in all the decisive engagements of October and November 1914: Langemarck, Gheluvelt, Hollebeke, Zandvoorde, Messines and the battle for the woods around Zillebeke. They served principally with Sir Douglas Haig’s I Corps and Sir Edmund Allenby’s Cavalry Corps and of the British burials that took place in 1914, fourteen are either from, or attached to The Foot Guards and Household Cavalry regiments, one is a 13th Hussar and one is a senior officer from an established county infantry regiment. Two private soldiers and an NCO from 1914 rest with their more distinguished counterparts, serving as a sharp reminder that death in battle does not discriminate.
Without exception all of the British officers commemorated at Zillebeke attended public schools before being commissioned and of these, eight passed through Sandhurst. Thus, as a group, they are very much representative of the Edwardian officer class that went to war in 1914. Zillebeke is also more of an aristocrats’ cemetery than appears at first glance, eight officers and their families are listed in Burke’s Peerage, one is a Russian aristocratic and three have entries in Burke’s Landed Gentry. The remainder either have links to the aristocracy or are sons of wealthy professional families. Of the three rank and file soldiers, two are regular soldiers each with at least eighteen months service and one is a territorial volunteer.
Zillebeke and most of the commune were in British hands for the greater part of the war but even by November 1914 Zillebeke village, although behind the British front line, had suffered severely from German shell fire. One of the 2nd Life Guards (2/Life Guards) officers, Captain Sir Morgan Crofton, who served with 7 Cavalry Brigade, recorded his first impressions on 20 November:
‘We decided to walk back to Zillebeke which was about a mile off to see what the damage there was like in the daylight. We got there about 10, and found a fearful state of wreckage. Every house had been hit, whole fronts were torn away. The steeple had been knocked off the church which was filled with bricks and rubbish. The Altar had been hit and was covered with rubble under which the Altar cloth could be seen torn and stained. All the Candelabra, Pictures, Statues, etc were lying on the floor, broken and torn off the walls. In one corner a cupboard had been broken open, and the gold embroidered vestments were lying about on the floor covered with bricks and mortar. All the windows were broken but the organ was untouched. Outside in the churchyard, marked by rough wooden crosses were the newly made graves of Lord Bernard Gordon Lennox, Lord Congleton and Symes-Thompson, all of the Grenadier Guards, also Lt Peterson [sic] of my regiment, and about 20 others, all of whom had been killed in the attack of Nov 6th when Dawnay and O’Neill were also killed. Every house had its windows broken and in some cases the whole façade had fallen down and lay in a heap below, making the house look rather like a Childs Doll’s House with all its floors showing … I counted 15 shell holes in the street each large enough to buy a good sized cart. I felt so glad that it wasn’t an English village.’
Crofton’s reference to twenty other burials is an interesting one. The continual shelling of the village and the church destroyed a number of graves over the course of time, many of the grave markers becoming lost or damaged. More significantly, the names of several of the dead became indecipherable, particularly if they were written in pencil as some were. Of the thirty-two headstones in the churchyard that we see today, six mark the unidentified remains of men whose names are engraved on the Menin Gate. It is a great tragedy that, for thousands of soldiers who fought in and around the Ypres Salient over the course of the war, their names will never stand over them in permanent memorial.
Of the unidentified soldiers at Zillebeke churchyard, all the indications point to one of them possibly being Alfred Schuster and another, the Mid-Antrim Member of Parliament, Captain the Hon Arthur Edward O’Neill of 2/Life Guards. Although there is no official record held by the CWGC of O’Neill’s burial, contemporary 1914 accounts describe him being buried alongside Gordon Wilson and Second Lieutenant William Sinclair Petersen in the churchyard. William Petersen and Gordon Wilson were killed on 6 November 1914 along with Alexis de Gunzburg, Norman Neill and Regy Wyndham. In the same action on 6 November Arthur O’Neill and another Life Guards officer, Major the Hon Hugh Dawnay, who was commanding 2/Life Guards, was also killed and at one time both were thought to have been buried at Zille
beke. Hugh Dawnay’s remains were later identified in 1924 as the unidentified Life Guards officer exhumed in Harlebeke New British Cemetery. Despite the high probability that Arthur O’Neill is buried next to William Petersen in an unmarked grave, the final word from the CWGC remains noncommittal:
‘It is possible that Captain the Hon O’Neill was buried in Zillebeke Churchyard and that his grave was lost, destroyed or became unmarked during subsequent fighting but we have no way of knowing this for certain.’1
There is a good case for the CWGC to re-examine the evidence and at least give Arthur O’Neill the chance of having his remains officially recognised with his name on a headstone. Until such time as that happens, his name continues to rest on the Menin Gate.
The destruction of Zillebeke and the churchyard from shell fire continued through November into 1915 destroying, amongst others, the grave markers of Private William Stewart and Regy Wyndham. Today the exact location of their remains is not known, hence the two special memorials on the west wall that have the rather unsettling epitaph, ‘known to be buried in this cemetery.’ In February 1915 Sir Morgan Crofton had another opportunity to go back to Zillebeke and he again noted the names of four officers whose grave markers were still intact:
Aristocrats Go to War: Uncovering the Zillebeke Cemetery Page 2