[18.1] “If with these words of censure they expunge my name for the senate-roll and reduce me to the ranks of the disfranchised, what just answer shall I be able to make to them, or what just action take? What manner of life shall I live thereafter, when I have fallen into such disgrace and involved all my descendants? [2] (23) And to you yourself how shall I longer appear useful when I have lost all influence and honour among my fellow citizens, the grounds for your present enthusiasm for me? The only course, then, that is left for one who can no longer keep a place for himself in his own country is to depart with his entire household, condemning himself to shameful exile. [3] After that where shall I spend the rest of my life? Or what place will receive me when I have lost, as I probable shall, my freedom of speech? Your realm, forsooth! And you will vi me with all the felicity a tyrant enjoys? Yet what boon will you give me as great as the one you will be taking from me when you take away that most precious of all possessions, liberty? [4] (24) And how could I endure the change in my life, learning late to be a slave? For when those born in countries ruled by kings and tyrants, if they are of noble spirit, crave liberty and consider all other blessings inferior to it, will those, I wonder, who have lived in a state which is free and has learned to rule over others bear with equanimity the change from better conditions to worse, consenting to become slaves instead of free men, in order to set splendid tables every day, to be attended everywhere by a multitude of slaves, and to have unstinted enjoyment of handsome women and boys, as if human happiness depended upon these things rather than upon virtue? [5] (25) Yet as for these very things, granted that they are well worth striving for, what joy would their use bring when it has no assured permanence? For it lies in the power of you rulers who provide these pleasures to take them away again when you yourselves wish. I say naught of the envyings, the slanderings, the fact that not for a moment does one live without danger and fear, and all the other experiences, distressing and unworthy of a noble spirit, while life at the courts of kings brings with it. [6] Let no such madness seize Fabricius that he should leave the renowned city of Rome and prefer life in Epirus, or that, when it is in his power to be leader of a state that holds the leadership, he should be ruled by one man whose thoughts are in no wise those of the other citizens and who is accustomed to hear from everybody what is calculated to please him. [7] (26) At any rate, though I might wish to change my spirit and make myself humble, in order that you might scent no danger from me, I could not do so; on the other hand, if I remain what Nature and my habits have made me, I shall appear offensive in your eyes and shall seem to be diverting control to my own hands. In fine, I can advise you against receiving into your realm, not Fabricius only, but also anyone else who is either your superior or your equal, or, in general, any man who has been reared in liberal ways and possesses a spirit above that of a private person. [8] For a man of lofty spirit is neither a safe companion for a king nor an agreeable one. Well then, as regards your private interests, you yourself will determine what you must do; as for the prisoners, come to some reasonable decision and permit us to depart.”
(27) When he stopped speaking, the king, admiring his nobility of soul, took him by the hand and said: “It no longer enters my mind why your city is renowned and encompassed so vast a dominion, since she is nurse of such men; and above all things I could have wished that no dispute should have arisen in the first place between me and you Romans; but since it has arisen and it was the will of some god that only after we had made trial of one another’s might and valour would he bring us together, I am ready to be reconciled. And in order that I may be the first to make the friendly overtures to which you invite me, I give up as a favour to your commonwealth all the prisoners without ransom.”
Having subdued Libya even as far as the tribes living by the Ocean.
Constantia . . . there is also another in Bruttium. Dionysius, Roman Antiquities xix.
EXCERPTS FROM BOOK XX
[1.1] Having agreed through heralds upon the time when they would join in battle, they descended from their camps and took up their positions as follows: King Pyrrhus gave the Macedonian phalanx the first place on the right wing and placed next to it the Italiot mercenaries from Tarentum; [2] then the troops from Ambracia and after them the phalanx of Tarentines equipped with white shields, forced by the allied force of Bruttians and Lucanians; in the middle of the battle-line he stationed the Thesprotians and Chaonians; next to them the mercenaries of the Aetolians, Acarnanians and Athamanians, and finally the Samnites, who constituted the left wing. [3] Of the horse, he stationed the Samnite, Thessalian and Bruttian squadrons and the Tarentine mercenary force upon the right wing, and the Ambraciot, Lucanian and Tarentine squadrons and the Greek mercenaries, consisting of Acarnanians, Aetolians, Macedonians and Athamanians, on the left. [4] The light-armed troops and the elephants he divided into two groups and placed them behind both wings, at a reasonable distance, in a position slightly elevated above the plain. He himself, surrounded by the royal agema, as it was called, of picked horsemen, about two thousand in number, was outs the battle-line, so as to aid promptly any of his troops in turn that might be hard pressed.
The consuls arrayed on their left wing the legion called the first, facing the Macedonian and Ambraciot phalanx and the Tarentine mercenaries, and, next to the first legion, the third, over against the Tarentine phalanx with its white shields and the Bruttian and Lucanian allied forces; [5] adjoining the third army they placed the fourth, facing the Molossians, Chaonians and Thesprotians; and the second on the right wing opposite the mercenaries from Greece — the Aetolians, Acarnanians and Athamanians — and the Samnite phalanx that was equipped with oblong shields. The Latins, Campanians, substitutes, Umbrians, Volscians, Marrucini, Peligni, Ferentani, and their other subjects they divided into four divisions and mingled them with the Roman legions, in order that no part of their lines might be weak. [6] And dividing the cavalry, both their own and that of their allies, they placed it on both wings. Outside the line they stationed the light-armed troops and the waggons, three hundred in number, which they had got ready for the battle against the elephants. These waggons had upright beams on which were mounted movable traverse poles that could be swung round as quick as thought in any direction one might wish, and on the ends of the poles there were either tridents or swordlike spikes or scythes all of iron; or again they had cranes that hurled down heavy grappling-irons. [7] Many of the poles had attached to them and projecting in front of the waggons fire-bearing grapnels wrapped in tow that had been liberally daubed with pitch, which men standing on the waggons were to set afire as soon as they came near the elephants and then rain blows with them upon the trunks and faces of the beasts. Furthermore, standing on the waggons, which were four-wheeled, were many also of the light-armed troops — bowmen, hurlers of stones and slingers who threw iron caltrops; and on the ground beside the waggons there were still more men.
[8] This was the battle order of the two armies that had taken the field. The forces on the king’s side numbered 70,000 foot, of whom the Greeks who had crossed the Ionian gulf amounted to 16,000; on the Roman side there were more than 70,000, about 20,000 of them being from Rome itself. Of horse the Romans had about 8,000, while Pyrrhus had slightly more, as well as nineteen elephants.
[2.1] When the signals for battle were hoisted, the soldiers first chanted their war songs, and then, raising the battle-cry to Enyalius, advanced to the fray, engaged and fought, displaying all their skill in arms. The cavalry stationed upon both wings, knowing beforehand in what tactics they had the advantage over the enemy, resorted to those tactics, the Romans to a hand-to-hand, stationary combat, and the Greek horse to flanking and deploying manoeuvres. [2] The Romans, when they were pursued by the Greeks, would wheel their horses about, and checking them with the reins, would fight an infantry battle; the Greeks, when they perceived that the Romans were their equals in combat, would swerve to the right and countermarching past one another, would whirl about their horses once m
ore to face forward, and applying the spurs, would charge the enemy’s ranks. [3] Such was the character of the cavalry battle. The fighting of the infantry was in some respects similar to it, in other ways different; it was similar on the whole, but different in details. For the right wing of each army was the stronger one, the left being weaker. Nevertheless, neither side turned its back ignominiously to the foe, but both maintained good order, remaining with the standards and protecting themselves with their shields while gradually falling back. [4] Those who distinguished themselves for valour were, on the king’s side, the Macedonians, who repulsed the first Roman legion and the Latins arrayed with it; and, on the Roman side, those who constituted the second legion and were opposed to the Molossians, Thesprotians and Chaonians. When the king had ordered the elephants seem to be led up to the part of the line that was in difficulties, the Romans mounted on the pole-bearing waggons, upon learning of the approach of the beasts, drove to meet them. [5] At first they checked the onrush of the beasts, smiting them with their engines and turning the fire-bearing grapnels into their eyes. Then, when the men stationed in their towers no longer drove the beasts forward, but hurled their spears down from above, and the light-armed troops cut through the wattled screens surrounding the waggons and hamstrung the oxen, the men at the machines, leaping down from their cars, fled for refuge to the nearest infantry and caused great confusion among them. [6] The Lucanians and Bruttians arrayed in the middle of the king’s battle-line, after fighting for no great while, turned to flight when repulsed by the fourth Roman legion. When once these gave way and their part of the line was broken through, the Tarentines also, who had their station next to them, did not remain, but they too turned their backs to the enemy and fled.
[3.1] When King Pyrrhus learned that the Lucanians, Bruttians and Tarentines were in headlong flight and that their part of the line was disrupted, he turned a part of the squadron that was with him over to other commanders, and from the right wing sent other horsemen, as many as he thought would be sufficient, as reinforcements to those who were being pursued by the Romans. But during the time that this was going on, there was a manifest intervention of the divine power on the side of the Romans. [2] Some of the Daunians, it seems, from the city of Argyrippa, which they now call Arpi, four thousand foot and some four hundred horse who had been sent to the assistance of the consuls, arrived near the royal camp while proceeding by mere chance along the road that led in the enemy’s rear, and saw the plain full of men. After stopping there a short while and indulging in all manner of speculations, they decided not to descend from the heights and take part in the battle, since they did not know either where there was a friendly force or where a hostile one, nor could conjecture in what place they should take their stand in order to render some aid to their allies; and they thought it would be best to surround and destroy the enemy’s camp, since not only would they themselves get much fine booty if they should capture the baggage, but they would also cause much confusion to their enemies if these should see their camp suddenly ablaze. (The scene of the battle was not more than twenty stades distant.) [3] Having come to this decision and having learned from some prisoners, who had been captured when they had gone out to gather wood, that only a very few were guarding the camp, they attacked them from all sides. Pyrrhus, learning of this through the report of a cavalryman who, when the siege of the camp began, drove his horse through the enemy’s lines, and applying the spurs, was soon at hand, decided to keep the rest of his forces in the plain and not to recall or disturb the phalanx, but sent the elephants and the boldest of the horse, carefully selected, as reinforcements for the camp. [4] But while these were still on the way, the camp was suddenly taken and set on fire.
Those who had accomplished this feat, upon learning that the troops sent by the king were coming down from the heights against them, fled to the summit of a hill which could not easily be ascended by either the beasts or the horses. [5] The king’s troops, having arrived too late to be of assistance, turned against the Romans of the third and fourth legions, who had advanced far ahead of the others after routing the foes who faced them. But the Romans, becoming aware in advance of their approach, ran up to a lofty and thickly-wooded spot and arrayed themselves in battle order. [6] The elephants, accordingly, being unable to ascend the height, caused them no harm, nor did the squadrons of horse; but the bowmen and slingers, hurling their missiles from all sides, wounded and destroyed many of them. When the commanders became aware of what was going on there, Pyrrhus sent, from his line of infantry, the Athamanians and Acarnanians and some of the Samnites, while the Roman consul sent some squadrons of horse, since the foot needed such assistance. And at this same time a fresh battle took place there between the foot and horse and there was still greater slaughter.
[7] Following the king’s lead, the Roman consuls also recalled their troops when it was near sunset, and taking them across the river led them back to their camp as darkness was already coming on. The forces of Pyrrhus, having lost their tents, pack-animals and slaves, and all their baggage, encamped upon a height, where they spent the following night under the open sky, without either baggage or attendance and not well supplied with even the necessary food, so that many wounded men actually perished, when they might still have been saved had they received assistance and care. Such was the outcome of the second battle between the Romans and Pyrrhus, near the town of Asculum.
[4.1] Rhegium suffered a calamity similar to that which had befallen Messana in Sicily, a calamity that illustrates the need of great precaution and forethought on the part of all cities. But it is necessary to state first the causes and excuses for the evils that befell this city. [2] When the Lucanians and Bruttians, having set out with numerous forces against Thurii, had ravaged its territory and were besieging the city after surrounding it with a palisade, and a force of Romans under the command of Fabricius the consul had been sent against them, the Rhegians, fearing that the barbarians would send an army against them also upon the departure of the Romans, and being suspicious of the city of Tarentum, begged Fabricius to leave a force in the city to guard against the sudden raids of the barbarians, and also in case there should be any unexpected hostile plot on the part of the Tarentines. And they received eight hundred Campanians and four hundred Sidicini, all under the command of Decius, a Campanian by birth. [3] This man, whenever he was lodged in the houses of the most prominent of the inhabitants, was entertained at splendid banquets in accordance with the hospitality due to guest; and when he beheld the splendid and costly appointments of many of the houses, he at first congratulated the Rhegians because of their prosperity, then envied them as being unworthy of it, and finally began to plot against them as enemies. [4] And taking as an accomplice of his secret designs his secretary, a crafty man and a deviser of every kind of mischief, he was advised by him to slay all the Rhegians and to seize their wealth, partly for himself and partly to distribute among his troops; for the man remarked that Messana had been taken in a similar fashion by the Mamertines a short time before. When he had been persuaded by them and had planned with him the manner of attack, he called to a council the tribunes and the most prominent soldiers; and after requesting them all to keep his remarks secret, he said that a grave danger overhung him, one that required very great and prompt precautions, since the occasion, he declared, did not permit of delay. For the most prominent Rhegians, he said, having learned of Pyrrhus’ crossing, were secretly sending to him, promising to put the garrison to the sword and to hand over the city to him. [5] While he was still uttering these words, a man who had been suborned for the purpose appeared, covered with dust as if from a journey and bearing a letter, composed by Decius himself but purporting to be from a personal friend of his, in which it was revealed that the king was intending to send five hundred soldiers to Rhegium to take over the city, the inhabitants having promised to open their gates to them. [6] Some state that the bearer of the letter had been sent in earnest by Fabricius the consul, and that the let
ter contained the information which I have just given and urged Decius to forestall the Rhegians. Both reports are reasonable. These things he revealed to those who were present at the council; and as soon as it was night, the tribunes, having first told the other soldiers what they were intending to do, went to the houses of the Rhegians, and finding some of them still feasting and others asleep, they slew them at their own firesides, though the Rhegians entreated them and grovelled at their feet and demanded to know why they were thus treated; and they spared neither age nor rank. [7] After slaughtering the men they committed a still more outrageous crime: portioning out the wives and virgin daughters of their hosts, they forcibly lay with these women whose very fathers and husbands they had slain before their very eyes. [8] Decius from the commander of a garrison had thus become a tyrant of Rhegium; and reasoning that he would have to pay the penalty to the Romans for what he had done, he made an alliance with the Campanians who were in possession of Messana, the most powerful of the cities in Sicily, meanwhile keeping the city of Rhegium under strict guard.
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 115