[3] After the ambassadors had said this, they withdrew. Of the two consuls, Brutus advised retaining the fortunes of the tyrants, both as a penalty for the injuries they had done to the commonwealth, which were many and great, and for the advantage that would result from depriving them of these resources for war; for he showed that the Tarquinii would not be contented with the recovery of their possessions nor submit to leading a private life, but would bring a foreign war upon the Romans and attempt by force to get back into power.
[4] Κολλατῖνος δὲ τἀναντία παρῄνει λέγων, ὡς οὐδὲν τὰ [p. 145] χρήματα τῶν τυράννων ἠδίκει τὴν πόλιν, ἀλλὰ τὰ σώματα, φυλάττεσθαί τ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀξιῶν ἀμφότερα, μὴ δόξης τε πονηρᾶς παρὰ πάντων τύχωσιν ὡς διὰ τὸν πλοῦτον ἐξεληλακότες ἐκ τῆς ἀρχῆς Ταρκυνίους, καὶ πρόφασιν πολέμου δικαίαν παράσχωσιν αὐτοῖς ὡς ἀποστερουμένοις τῶν ἰδίων: ἄδηλον μὲν εἶναι φάσκων, εἰ κομισάμενοι τὰ χρήματα πολεμεῖν ἐπιχειρήσουσιν ἔτι πρὸς αὐτοὺς περὶ τῆς καθόδου, πρόδηλον δὲ θάτερον ὡς οὐκ ἀξιώσουσιν εἰρήνην ἄγειν τὰς οὐσίας ἀφαιρεθέντες.
[4] But Collatinus advised the contrary, saying that it was not the possessions of the tyrants, but the tyrants themselves, that had injured the commonwealth, and he asked them to guard against two things: first, not to incur the bad opinion of the world as having driven the Tarquinii from power for the sake of their riches, and, secondly, not to give the tyrants themselves a just cause for war as having been deprived of their private property. For it was uncertain, he said, whether, if they got back their possessions, they would any longer attempt to make war upon them in order to secure their return from exile, but it was perfectly clear, on the other hand, that they would not consent to keep the peace if they were deprived of their property.
[1] ταῦτα δὲ τῶν ὑπάτων λεγόντων καὶ πολλῶν συναγορευόντων ἀμφοτέροις ἀποροῦσα, ὅ τι χρὴ πράττειν, ἡ βουλὴ καὶ ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας συχνὰς σκοποῦσα, ἐπεὶ συμφορώτερα μὲν ὁ Βροῦτος ἐδόκει λέγειν, δικαιότερα δ᾽ ὁ Κολλατῖνος παρῄνει, τελευτῶσα διέγνω τὸν δῆμον ποιῆσαι τοῦ τε συμφέροντος καὶ τοῦ δικαίου κριτήν.
[6.1] As the consuls expressed these opinions and many spoke in favour of each, the senate was at a loss what to do and spent many days in considering the matter; for while the opinion of Brutus seemed more expedient, the course urged by Collatinus was more just. At last they determined to make the people the judges between expediency and justice.
[2] πολλῶν δὲ λεχθέντων ὑφ᾽ ἑκατέρου τῶν ὑπάτων ἀναλαβοῦσαι ψῆφον αἱ φρᾶτραι τριάκοντα οὖσαι τὸν ἀριθμὸν οὕτω μικρὰν ἐποιήσαντο τὴν ἐπὶ θάτερα ῥοπήν, ὥστε μιᾷ ψήφῳ πλείους γενέσθαι τῶν κατέχειν τὰ χρήματα βουλομένων τὰς ἀποδιδόναι κελευούσας. λαβόντες δὲ παρὰ τῶν ὑπάτων τὰς ἀποκρίσεις οἱ Τυρρηνοὶ καὶ πολλὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐπαινέσαντες, ὅτι τὰ δίκαια πρὸ τῶν συμφερόντων εἵλοντο, Ταρκυνίῳ μὲν ἐπέστειλαν τοὺς ἀποληψομένους τὰ χρήματα πέμπειν, αὐτοὶ δ᾽ ἐπέμειναν ἐν τῇ πόλει συναγωγήν τε τῶν ἐπίπλων καὶ διάθεσιν τῶν μὴ δυναμένων ἄγεσθαί τε καὶ φέρεσθαι σκηπτόμενοι: ὡς δὲ τἀληθὲς εἶχε ταράττοντες καὶ [p. 146] σκευωρούμενοι τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, ὡς ὁ τύραννος αὐτοῖς ἐπέστειλε.
[2] After much had been said by each of the consuls, the curiae, which were thirty in number, upon being called to give their votes, inclined to one side by so small a margin that the curiae in favour of restoring the possessions outnumbered by only one those that were for retaining them. The Tyrrhenians, having received their answer from the consuls and given great praise to the commonwealth for having preferred justice to expediency, wrote to Tarquinius to send some persons to receive his possessions, while they themselves remained in the city, pretending to be employed in collecting his furniture and disposing of the effects that could not be driven or carried away, whereas in reality they were stirring up trouble in the city and carrying on intrigues, pursuant to the instructions the tyrant had sent them.
[3] τάς τε γὰρ ἐπιστολὰς τὰς παρὰ τῶν φυγάδων τοῖς ἐπιτηδείοις αὐτῶν ἀπεδίδοσαν καὶ παρ᾽ ἐκείνων ἑτέρας πρὸς τοὺς φυγάδας ἐλάμβανον: συνιόντες δὲ πολλοῖς εἰς ὁμιλίαν καὶ διάπειραν αὐτῶν τῆς προαιρέσεως λαμβάνοντες, οὓς εὑρίσκοιεν εὐαλώτους δἰ ἀσθένειαν γνώμης ἢ βίου σπάνιν ἢ πόθον τῶν ἐν τῇ τυραννίδι πλεονεξιῶν, ἐλπίδας τε χρηστὰς ὑποτείνοντες αὐτοῖς καὶ χρήματα διδόντες ἐπεχείρουν
[3] For they employed themselves in delivering letters from the exiles to their friends in the city and in receiving others from these for the exiles; and engaging in conversation with many of the citizens and sounding their sentiments, if they found any easy to be ensnared through the feebleness of conviction, lack of means, or a longing for the advantages they had enjoyed under the tyranny, they endeavoured to corrupt them by holding out fair hopes and giving them money.
[4] 4 διαφθείρειν. ἔμελλον δ᾽ ὥσπερ εἰκὸς ἐν πόλει μεγάλῃ καὶ πολυοχλούσῃ φανήσεσθαί τινες οἱ τὴν χείρω πολιτείαν αἱρησόμενοι πρὸ τῆς κρείττονος οὐ τῶν ἀσήμων μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν, ἐν οἷς ἦσαν Ἰούνιοί τε δύο Τίτος καὶ Τιβέριος Βρούτου παῖδες τοῦ ὑπατεύοντος ἀρτίως ἀρχόμενοι γενειᾶν καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς Οὐιτέλλιοί τε δύο Μάρκος καὶ Μάνιος, ἀδελφοὶ τῆς Βρούτου γυναικός, ἱκανοὶ τὰ κοινὰ πράττειν, καὶ Κολλατίνου θατέρου τῶν ὑπάτων ἀδελφῆς υἱοὶ δύο Λεύκιος καὶ Μάρκος Ἀκύλλιοι τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχοντες τοῖς Βρούτου παισὶν ἡλικίαν, παρ᾽ οἷς αἱ σύνοδοι τὰ πολλὰ ἐγίνοντο πατρὸς οὐκέτι περιόντος αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰ περὶ τῆς καθόδου τῶν τυράννων βουλεύματα συνετίθετο.
[4] And in a large and populous city there were sure to be found, as we may suppose, some who would prefer a worse to a better form of government, and that not only among the obscure, but even among the men of distinction. Of this number were the two Junii, Titus and Tiberius, the sons of Brutus the consul, then just coming to manhood, and with them the two Vitellii, Marcus and Manius, brothers of the wife of Brutus, men capable of administering public affairs, and also the Aquilii, Lucius and Marcus, sons of the sister of Collatinus, the other consul, of the same age with the sons of Brutus. It was at the house of the Aquilii, whose father was no longer living, that the conspirators generally held their meetings and laid their plans for bringing back the tyrants.
[1] ἐκ πολλῶν μὲν οὖν καὶ ἄλλων ἔδοξέ μοι τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα προνοίᾳ θεῶν εἰς το
σαύτην προελθεῖν εὐδαιμονίαν, οὐχ ἥκιστα δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῶν τότε [p. 147] γενομένων. τοσαύτη γὰρ ἄνοια καὶ θεοβλάβεια τοὺς δυστήνους ἐκείνους κατέσχεν, ὥσθ᾽ ὑπέμειναν ἐπιστολὰς γράψαι πρὸς τὸν τύραννον αὐτογράφους δηλοῦντες αὐτῷ τὸ πλῆθός τε τῶν μετεχόντων τῆς συνωμοσίας καὶ χρόνον, ἐν ᾧ τὴν κατὰ τῶν ὑπάτων ἐπίθεσιν ἔμελλον ποιήσεσθαι, πεισθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν ἀφικομένων ὡς αὐτοὺς παρὰ τοῦ τυράννου γραμμάτων, ὅτι βούλεται προειδέναι, τίνας αὐτῷ προσήκει Ῥωμαίων εὖ
[7.1] Not only from many other circumstances has it seemed to me to be due to the providence of the gods that the affairs of the Romans have come to such a flourishing condition, but particularly by what happened upon this occasion. For so great a folly and infatuation possessed those unfortunate youths that they consented to write letters to the tyrant in their own hand, informing him not only of the number of their accomplices, but also of the time when they proposed to make the attack upon the consuls. They had been persuaded to do so by the letters that came to them from the tyrant, in which he desired to know beforehand the names of the Romans whom he ought to reward after he had regained the sovereignty.
[2] ποιεῖν κατασχόντι τὴν ἀρχήν. τούτων δ᾽ ἐγένοντο τῶν ἐπιστολῶν ἐγκρατεῖς οἱ ὕπατοι κατὰ τοιάνδε τινὰ συντυχίαν. παρ᾽ Ἀκυλλίοις τοῖς ἐκ τῆς Κολλατίνου γεγονόσιν ἀδελφῆς οἱ κορυφαιότατοι τῶν ἐν τῇ συνωμοσίᾳ κατήγοντο παρακληθέντες ὡς ἐφ᾽ ἱερὰ καὶ θυσίαν: μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἑστίασιν ἐξελθεῖν ἐκ τοῦ συμποσίου κελεύσαντες τοὺς διακόνους καὶ πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν τοῦ ἀνδρῶνος ἀπελθεῖν διεφέροντό τε πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὑπὲρ τῆς καταγωγῆς τῶν τυράννων καὶ τὰ δόξαντα εἰς ἐπιστολὰς κατεχώριζον αὐτογράφους, ἃς ἔδει τοὺς Ἀκυλλίους λαβόντας ἀποδοῦναι τοῖς ἐκ Τυρρηνίας πρέσβεσιν,
[2] The consuls got possession of these letters by the following chance. The principal conspirators used to hold night sessions at the house of the Aquilii, the sons of the sister of Collatinus, being invited there ostensibly for some religious rites and a sacrifice. After the banquet they first ordered the servants to go out of the room and to withdraw from before the door of the men’s apartment, and then proceeded to discuss together the means of restoring the tyrants and to set down in the letters in their own handwriting the decisions arrived at; these letters the Aquilii were to deliver to the Tyrrhenian ambassadors, and they in turn to Tarquinius.
[3] ἐκείνους δὲ Ταρκυνίῳ. ἐν τούτῳ δὴ τῷ χρόνῳ τῶν θεραπόντων τις οἰνοχόος ἐκ πόλεως Καινίνης αἰχμάλωτος ὄνομα Οὐινδίκιος ὑποπτεύσας τοὺς ἄνδρας βουλεύειν πονηρὰ τῇ μεταστάσει τῶν διακόνων ἔμεινε μόνος ἔξω παρὰ ταῖς θύραις καὶ τούς τε λόγους παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἠκροάσατο καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς εἶδεν ὑπὸ πάντων [p. 148] γραφομένας, ἁρμῷ τινι τῆς θύρας διαφανεῖ τὴν ὄψιν προσβαλών.
[3] In the mean time one of the servants, who was their cup-bearer and a captive taken at Caenina, Vindicius by name, suspecting, from their ordering the servants to withdraw, that they were plotting some mischief, remained alone outs the door, and not only heard their conversation, but, by applying his eye to a crevice of the door that afforded a glimpse inside, saw the letters they were all writing.
[4] ἐξελθὼν δὲ πολλῆς ἔτι νυκτὸς οὔσης ὡς ἀπεσταλμένος ὑπὸ τῶν δεσποτῶν ἐπὶ χρείαν τινά, πρὸς μὲν τοὺς ὑπάτους ὤκνησεν ἐλθεῖν δεδιώς, μὴ συγκρύψαι τὸ πρᾶγμα βουλόμενοι διὰ τὴν εὔνοιαν τῶν συγγενῶν τὸν μηνύσαντα τὴν συνωμοσίαν ἀφανίσωσιν, ἀφικόμενος δ᾽ ὡς Πόπλιον Οὐαλέριον, ὃς ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις τέτταρσιν ἦν τῶν τὴν τυραννίδα καταλυσάντων, δεξιώσει καὶ δι᾽ ὅρκων τὸ πιστὸν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ λαβὼν ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας τῆς ἑαυτοῦ μηνυτὴς ὧν τ᾽ ἤκουσε καὶ
[4] And setting out from the house while it was still the dead of night, as if he had been sent by his masters upon some business, he hesitated to go to the consuls, lest, in their desire the keep the matter quiet out of goodwill for their kinsmen, they might do away with the one who gave information of the conspiracy, but went to Publius Valerius, one of the four who had taken the lead in overthrowing the tyranny; and when this man had given him assurance of his safety by offering his hand and swearing oaths, he informed him of all that he had both heard and seen.
[5] ὧν εἶδε γίνεται. ὁ δ᾽ ὡς ἔμαθεν οὐδεμίαν ἀναβολὴν ποιησάμενος ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τῶν Ἀκυλλίων σὺν χειρὶ πολλῇ πελατῶν τε καὶ φίλων παραγίνεται περὶ τὸν ὄρθρον καὶ παρελθὼν εἴσω τῶν θυρῶν ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἄλλην τινὰ χρείαν παρὼν ἀκωλύτως κατ᾽ οἶκον ἔτι τῶν μειρακίων ὄντων ἐγκρατὴς γίνεται τῶν ἐπιστολῶν καὶ τοὺς νεανίσκους συλλαβὼν καθίστησιν ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους.
[5] Valerius, upon hearing this story, made no delay, but went to the house of the Aquilii about daybreak, attended by a large number of clients and friends; and getting inside the door without hindrance, as having come upon some other business, while the lads were still there, he got possession of the letters, and seizing the youths, took them before the consuls.
[1] τὰ δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα ἔργα θατέρου τῶν ὑπάτων Βρούτου μεγάλα καὶ θαυμαστὰ λέγειν ἔχων, ἐφ᾽ οἷς μέγιστα φρονοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι, δέδοικα μὴ σκληρὰ καὶ ἄπιστα τοῖς Ἕλλησι δόξω λέγειν, ἐπειδὴ πεφύκασιν ἅπαντες ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων παθῶν τὰ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων λεγόμενα κρίνειν καὶ τὸ πιστὸν ἄπιστον ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοὺς ποιεῖν: ἐρῶ δ᾽ οὖν ὅμως.
[8.1] I am afraid that the subsequent noble and astonishing behaviour of Brutus, one of the consuls, which I am now to relate and in which the Romans take the greatest pride, may appear cruel and incredible to the Greeks, since it is natural for all men to judge by their own experience whatever is said of others, and to determine what is credible and incredible with reference to themselves. Nevertheless, I shall relate it.
[2] ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἡμέρα τάχιστα [p. 149] ἐγένετο, καθίσας ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς τῶν ἐν τῇ συνωμοσίᾳ διασκεπτόμενος, ὡς εὗρε τὰς ὑπὸ τῶν υἱῶν γραφείσας ταῖς σφραγῖσιν ἑκατέραν γνωρίσας καὶ μετὰ τὸ λῦσαι τὰ σημεῖα τοῖς χειρογράφοις, ἀναγνωσθῆναι πρῶτον ἐκέλευσεν ἀμφοτέρας ὑπὸ τοῦ γραμματέως εἰς τὴν ἁπάντων τῶν παρόντων ἀκοήν: ἔπειτα λέγειν ἐκέλευσε τοῖς παισίν, εἴ τι βούλονται.
[2]
As soon, then, as it was day, Brutus seated himself upon the tribunal and examined the letters of the conspirators; and when he found those written by his sons, each of which he recognized by the seals, and, after he had broken the seals, by the handwriting, he first ordered both letters to be read by the secretary in the hearing of all who were present, and then commanded his sons to speak if they had anything to say.
[3] ὡς δ᾽ οὐκ ἐτόλμησεν αὐτῶν οὐδέτερος πρὸς ἄρνησιν ἀναιδῆ τραπέσθαι, ἀλλὰ κατεψηφικότες ἑαυτῶν ἔκλαιον ἀμφότεροι, ὀλίγον δ᾽ ἐπισχὼν χρόνον ἀνίσταται καὶ σιωπὴν προκηρύξας ἐκδεχομένων ἁπάντων, τί τέλος ἐξοίσει, θάνατον ἔφη καταδικάζειν τῶν τέκνων: ἐφ᾽ ᾧ πάντες ἀνέκραγον οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες τοιοῦτον ἄνδρα ζημιωθῆναι τέκνων θανάτῳ καὶ χαρίζεσθαι τὰς ψυχὰς τῶν μειρακίων ἐβούλοντο τῷ πατρί.
[3] But when neither of them dared resort to shameless denial, but both wept, having long since convicted themselves, Brutus, after a short pause, rose up and commanding silence, while everyone was waiting to learn what sentence he would pronounce, said he condemned his sons to death. Whereupon they all cried out, indignant that such a man should be punished by the death of his sons, and they wished to spare the lives of the youths as a favour to their father.
[4] ὁ δ᾽ οὔτε τὰς φωνὰς αὐτῶν οὔτε τὰς οἰμωγὰς ἀνασχόμενος ἐκέλευσε τοῖς ὑπηρέταις ἀπάγειν τοὺς νεανίσκους ὀλοφυρομένους καὶ ἀντιβολοῦντας καὶ ταῖς φιλτάταις αὐτὸν ἀνακαλουμένους προσηγορίαις. θαυμαστὸν μὲν καὶ τοῦτο πᾶσιν ἐφάνη τὸ μηδὲν ἐνδοῦναι τὸν ἄνδρα μήτε πρὸς τὰς δεήσεις τῶν πολιτῶν μήτε πρὸς τοὺς οἴκτους τῶν τέκτων, πολλῷ δ᾽ ἔτι τούτου θαυμασιώτερον τὸ περὶ τὰς τιμωρίας αὐτῶν ἀμείλικτον.
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 526