[3] When the men denied everything, he said he would soon offer them the proof; and straightway he produced their letters which he had intercepted before the battle as they were being carried to the commanders of the Latins, in which they promised to send them reinforcements, and produced the persons who carried the letters. After these were read out and the prisoners had given an account of the orders they had received, the soldiers were eager to stone the Volscians as spies caught in the act; but Postumius thought that good men ought not to imitate the wicked, saying it would be better and more magnanimous to reserve their anger against the senders rather than against the sent, and to let the men go in consideration of their ostensible title of ambassadors rather than to put them to death because of their disguised task of spying, lest they should give either a specious ground for war to the Volscians, who would allege that their ambassadors had been put to death contrary to the law of nations, or an excuse to their other enemies for bringing a charge which, though false, would appear neither ill-grounded nor incredible.
[1] ἐπισχὼν δὲ τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ πλήθους ἀπιέναι τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐκέλευσεν ἀμεταστρεπτὶ φυλακῇ παραδοὺς ἱππέων, οἳ προύπεμψαν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τὸν Οὐολούσκων χάρακα. ἐκβαλὼν δὲ τοὺς κατασκόπους εὐτρεπίζεσθαι τὰ εἰς μάχην παρήγγειλε τοῖς στρατιώταις, ὡς ἐν τῇ κατόπιν ἡμέρᾳ παραταξόμενος. ἐδέησε δ᾽ οὐδὲν αὐτῷ μάχης: οἱ γὰρ ἡγεμόνες τῶν Οὐολούσκων πολλῆς ἔτι νυκτὸς οὔσης ἀναστήσαντες τὴν στρατιὰν ᾤχοντο ἐπὶ
[17.1] Having thus checked the rash impulse of the soldiers, he commanded the men to depart without looking back, and put them in charge of a guard of horse, who conducted them to the camp of the Volscians. After he had expelled the spies, he commanded the soldiers to get everything ready for battle, as if he were going to engage the next day. But he had no need of a battle, for the leaders of the Volscians broke camp before dawn and returned home.
[2] τὰ σφέτερα. ἁπάντων δὲ χωρησάντων αὐτῷ κατ᾽ εὐχὴν θάψας τοὺς οἰκείους νεκροὺς καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν καθήρας [p. 286] ἀνέστρεψεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐκπρεπεῖ θριάμβῳ κοσμούμενος ὅπλων τε σωρὸν ἐφ᾽ ἁμάξαις πολλαῖς κομίζων καὶ χρημάτων στρατιωτικῶν παρασκευὰς ἀφθόνους εἰσφέρων, καὶ τοὺς ἁλόντας ἐν τῇ μάχῃ πεντακοσίων ἀποδέοντας ἑξακισχιλίους ἐπαγόμενος. ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν λαφύρων ἐξελόμενος τὰς δεκάτας ἀγῶνάς τε καὶ θυσίας τοῖς θεοῖς ἀπὸ τετταράκοντα ταλάντων ἐποίει καὶ ναῶν κατασκευὰς ἐξεμίσθωσε Δήμητρι καὶ Διονύσῳ καὶ Κόρῃ
[2] All things having now gone according to his wish, he buried his own dead, and having purified his army, returned to the city with the pomp of a magnificent triumph, together with huge quantities of military stores, followed by 5,500 prisoners taken in the battle. And having set apart the tithes of the spoils, he spent forty talents in performing games and sacrifices to the gods, and let contracts for the building of temples to Ceres, Liber and Libera, in fulfilment of a vow he had made.
[3] κατ᾽ εὐχήν. ἐσπάνισαν γὰρ αἱ τροφαὶ τοῦ πολέμου κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς καὶ πολὺν αὐτοῖς παρέσχον φόβον ὡς ἐπιλείψουσαι, τῆς τε γῆς ἀκάρπου γενομένης καὶ τῆς ἔξωθεν ἀγορᾶς οὐκέτι παρακομιζομένης διὰ τὸν πόλεμον. διὰ τοῦτο τὸ δέος ἀνασκέψασθαι τὰ Σιβύλλεια τοὺς φύλακας αὐτῶν κελεύσας ὡς ἔμαθεν, ὅτι τούτους ἐξιλάσασθαι τοὺς θεοὺς οἱ χρησμοὶ κελεύουσιν, εὐχὰς αὐτοῖς ἐποιήσατο μέλλων ἐξάγειν τὸν στρατόν, ἐὰν εὐετηρία γένηται κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ τῆς ἰδίας ἀρχῆς, οἵα πρότερον ἦν, ναούς τ᾽ αὐτοῖς καθιδρύσεσθαι καὶ
[3] It seems that provisions for the army had been scarce in the beginning, and had caused the Romans great fear that they would fail entirely, as the land had borne no crops and food from outside was no longer being imported because of the war. Because of this fear he had ordered the guardians of the Sibylline books to consult them, and finding that the oracles commanded that these gods should be propitiated, he made vows to them, when he was on the point of leading out his army, that if there should be the same abundance in the city during the time of his magistracy as before, he would build temples to them and also appoint sacrifices to be performed every year.
[4] θυσίας καταστήσεσθαι καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν. οἱ δ᾽ ὑπακούσαντες τήν τε γῆν παρεσκεύασαν ἀνεῖναι πλουσίους καρπούς, οὐ μόνον τὴν σπόριμον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν δενδροφόρον, καὶ τὰς ἐπεισάκτους ἀγορὰς ἁπάσας ἐπικλύσαι μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον: ἅπερ ὁρῶν αὐτὸς ὁ Ποστόμιος ἐψηφίσατο τὰς τῶν ναῶν τούτων κατασκευάς. Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν δὴ τὸν τυραννικὸν ἀπωσάμενοι πόλεμον εὐνοίᾳ θεῶν ἐν ἑορταῖς τε καὶ θυσίαις ἦσαν. [p. 287]
[4] These gods, hearing his prayer, caused the land to produce rich crops, not only of grain but also of fruits, and all imported provisions to be more plentiful than before; and when Postumius saw this, he himself caused a vote to be passed for the building of these temples. The Romans, therefore, having through the favour of the gods repelled the war brought upon them by the tyrant, were engaged in feasts and sacrifices.
[1] ὀλίγαις δ᾽ ὕστερον ἡμέραις πρέσβεις ἀπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Λατίνων ἧκον ὡς αὐτοὺς ἐξ ἁπασῶν τῶν πόλεων ἐπιλεχθέντες οἱ τὴν ἐναντίαν ἔχοντες περὶ τοῦ πολέμου γνώμην, ἱκετηρίας καὶ στέμματα προεχόμενοι. οὗτοι παραχθέντες ἐπὶ τὴν βουλήν, τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν τοῦ πολέμου τοὺς δυναστεύοντας ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἀπέφαινον αἰτίους: τὸ δὲ πλῆθος ἓν μόνον τοῦτο ἁμαρτεῖν ἔλεγον, ὅτι πονηροῖς ἐπείσθη δημαγωγοῖς ἴδια κέρδη παρεσκευασμένοις.
[18] A few days later there came to them, as ambassadors from the Latin league, chosen out of all their cities. Those who had been opposed to the war, holding out the olive branches and the fillets of suppliants. These men, upon being introduced into the senate, declared that the powerful men in every city had been responsible for beginning the war, and said that the people had been guilty of this one fault only, that they had listened to corrupt demagogues who had schemed for private gain.
[2] ταύτης δὲ τῆς ἀπάτης, ἐν ᾗ τὸ πλεῖον ἀνάγκης μέρος ἦν, οὐ μεμπτὰς τετικέναι δίκας ἑκάστην πόλιν ἔλεγον τῆς κρατίστης νεότητος ἀναιρεθείσης, ὥστε μὴ ῥᾴδιον εἶναι πένθους καθαρὰν εὑρεῖν οἰκίαν, ἠξίουν τ᾽ αὐτοὺς παραλαβεῖν σφᾶς ἥκοντας οὔτε περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔτι διαφερομένους οὔτε περὶ τῶν ἴσων φιλονεικοῦντας συμμάχους τε καὶ ὑπηκόους ἅπαντα τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον ἐσομένους,
καὶ πᾶν ὅσον ὁ δαίμων ἀφείλετο τοῦ Λατίνων ἀξιώματος,
[2] And for this delusion, in which necessity had had the greatest share, they said every city had already paid a penalty not to be despised, in the loss of its young men, so that it was not easy to find a single household free from mourning. They asked the Romans to receive them now that they willingly submitted and neither disputed any longer about the supremacy nor strove for equality, but were ready to be for all future time subjects as well as allies and to add the good fortune of the Romans all the prestige which Fortune had taken from the Latins.
[3] τοῦτο τῇ Ῥωμαίων προσθήσοντας εὐποτμίᾳ. τελευτῶντες δὲ τοῦ λόγου συγγένειαν ἐπεκαλοῦντο καὶ συμμαχιῶν ἀπροφασίστων ποτὲ γενομένων ἀνεμίμνησκον καὶ συμφορὰς ἀνέκλαιον τὰς καταληψομένας τοὺς μηδὲν ἡμαρτηκότας, οἳ μακρῷ πλείους ἦσαν τῶν ἡμαρτηκότων, ὀδυρόμενοι παρ᾽ ἕκαστα καὶ τῶν γονάτων ἁπτόμενοι πάσης τῆς γερουσίας καὶ τὰς ἱκετηρίας παρὰ τοῖς ποσὶ τοῦ Ποστομίου τιθέντες: ὥστε παθεῖν τι πρὸς τὰ δάκρυα καὶ τὰς δεήσεις αὐτῶν τὸ συνέδριον ἅπαν. [p. 288]
[3] At the end of their speech they made an appeal to kinship, reminded them of their unhesitating services as allies in the past, and bewailed the misfortunes that would fall on the innocent, who were far more numerous than the guilty, accompanying everything they said with lamentations, embracing the knees of all the senators, and laying the olive branches at the feet of Postumius, so that the whole senate was more or less moved by their tears and entreaties.
[1] ὡς δὲ μετέστησαν ἐκ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου καὶ λόγος ἀπεδόθη τοῖς εἰωθόσιν ἀποφαίνεσθαι γνώμας, Τῖτος μὲν Λάρκιος ὁ πρῶτος ἀποδειχθεὶς δικτάτωρ ἐν τῷ παρελθόντι ἐνιαυτῷ ταμιεύεσθαι τὴν τύχην αὐτοῖς συνεβούλευε μέγιστον εἶναι λέγων ἐγκώμιον ὥσπερ ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς οὕτω καὶ πόλεως ὅλης, εἰ μὴ διαφθαρήσεται ταῖς εὐπραγίαις, ἀλλ᾽ εὐμενῶς καὶ μετρίως φέροι τἀγαθά.
[19] When the ambassadors had left the senate and permission to speak was given to the members who were wont to deliver their opinions first, Titus Larcius, who had been appointed the first dictator the year before, advised them to use their good fortune with moderation, saying that the greatest praise that could be given a whole state as well as to an individual was not to be corrupted by prosperity, but to bear good fortune with decorum and moderation;
[2] πάσας μὲν γὰρ τὰς εὐτυχίας φθονεῖσθαι, μάλιστα δ᾽ ὅσαις πρόσεστιν εἰς τοὺς ταπεινωθέντας καὶ ὑπὸ χεῖρα γενομένους ὕβρις καὶ βαρύτης: τῇ τύχῃ δ᾽ οὐκ ἐῶν τι πιστεύειν πολλάκις αὐτῆς πεῖραν εἰληφότας ἐπ᾽ οἰκείοις κακοῖς τε καὶ ἀγαθοῖς, ὡς ἀβέβαιός ἐστι καὶ ἀγχίστροφος: οὐδ᾽ ἀνάγκην προσάγειν τοῖς διαφόροις τὴν περὶ τῶν ἐσχάτων κινδύνων, δἰ ἣν καὶ παρὰ γνώμην τολμηταὶ γίνονταί
[2] for all prosperity is envied, particularly that which is attended with arrogance and rigour toward those who had been humbled and subdued. And he advised them not to put any reliance on Fortune, since they had learned from their own experience in both adversity and prosperity how inconstant and quick to change she is. Nor ought they to reduce their adversaries to the necessity of running the supreme hazard, since such necessity renders some men daring beyond all expectation and warlike beyond their strength.
[3] τινες καὶ ὑπὲρ δύναμιν μαχηταί: δέος δὲ σφίσιν εἶναι λέγων, μὴ κοινὸν μῖσος ἐπισπάσωνται παρὰ πάντων ὅσων ἀξιοῦσιν ἄρχειν, ἐὰν πικρὰς καὶ ἀπαραιτήτους ἀπὸ τῶν ἁμαρτόντων ἀναπράττωνται δίκας, ὡς ἐκβεβηκότες ἐκ τῶν συνήθων ἐπιτηδευμάτων, ἀφ᾽ ὧν εἰς ἐπιφάνειαν προῆλθον ἐπιλαθόμενοι, καὶ πεποιηκότες τυραννίδα τὴν ἀρχήν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ἡγεμονίαν ὡς πρότερον ἦν καὶ προστασίαν: τά τε ἁμαρτήματα μέτρια καὶ οὐ [p. 289] νεμεσητὰ εἶναι λέγων, εἴ τινες ἐλευθερίας περιεχόμεναι πόλεις καὶ ἄρχειν ποτὲ μαθοῦσαι τῆς παλαιᾶς ἀξιώσεως οὐ μεθίενται. εἰ δ᾽ ἀνιάτως οἱ τῶν κρατίστων ὀρεχθέντες, ἐὰν διαμάρτωσι τῆς ἐλπίδος, ζημιώσονται, οὐδὲν ἔσεσθαι τὸ κωλῦον ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους ὑπ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἀπολωλέναι: πᾶσι γὰρ εἶναι τὸν τῆς ἐλευθερίας πόθον ἔμφυτον.
[3] He said they had reason to be afraid of drawing upon themselves the common hatred of all those they proposed to rule, if they should exact harsh and relentless penalties from such as had erred; for they would seem to have abandoned their traditional principles, forgetting to what they owed their present splendour, and to have made their dominion a tyranny rather than a leadership and protectorship, as it had been aforetime. He said that the error is a moderate and venial one when states that cling to liberty and have once learned to rule are unwilling to give up their ancient prestige; and if men who aim at the noblest ends are to be punished beyond possibility of recovery when they fail of their hope, there will be nothing to prevent the whole race of mankind from being destroyed by one another, since all men have an innate craving for liberty.
[4] πολλῷ τε κρείττονα καὶ βεβαιοτέραν ἀποφαίνων ἀρχήν, ἥτις εὐεργεσίαις, ἀλλὰ μὴ τιμωρίαις κρατεῖν βούλεται τῶν ὑπηκόων: τῇ μὲν γὰρ εὔνοιαν ἀκολουθεῖν, τῇ δὲ φόβον, ἀνάγκην δ᾽ εἶναι φύσεως πάντα μάλιστα μισεῖσθαι τὰ φοβερά: τελευτῶν δὲ τοῦ λόγου παραδείγμασιν αὐτοὺς ἠξίου χρῆσθαι τοῖς κρατίστοις τῶν προγόνων ἔργοις, ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐπαίνων ἐτύγχανον ἐκεῖνοι, ἐπιλεγόμενος ὅσας ἁλούσας κατὰ κράτος πόλεις οὐ κατασκάπτοντες οὐδὲ ἡβηδὸν ἀναιροῦντες οὐδ᾽ ἐξανδραποδιζόμενοι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀποικίας τῆς Ῥώμης ποιοῦντες, καὶ τοῖς βουλομένοις τῶν κρατηθέντων παρὰ σφίσι κατοικεῖν πολιτείας μεταδιδόντες, μεγάλην ἐκ μικρᾶς ἐποιοῦντο τὴν πόλιν. κεφάλαιον δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῆς γνώμης ἦν ἀνανεώσεσθαι τὰς σπονδὰς πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Λατίνων, ἃς ἦσαν πεποιημένοι πρότερον, καὶ μηδενὸς τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων μηδεμιᾷ πόλει μνησικακεῖν.
[4] He declared that a government is far better and more firmly established which seeks to rule its subjects by its benefits rather than by punishments; for the former course leads to goodwill and the latter to terror, and it is a fixed law of Nature that everything that causes terror should be particularly detested. And finally he asked them to take as examples the best actions of their ancestors for which they had won praise, recounting the many instances in which, after capturing cities by storm, they had not razed them nor
put all the male population to the sword or enslaved them, but by making them Roman colonies and by giving citizenship to such of the conquered as desired to live at Rome, they had made their city great from a small beginning. The sum and substance of his opinion was this: to renew the treaty they had previously made with the Latin league and to retain no resentment against any of the cities for the errors they had been guilty of.
[1] Σερουίλιος δὲ Σουλπίκιος περὶ μὲν τῆς εἰρήνης καὶ τῆς ἀνανεώσεως τῶν σπονδῶν οὐδὲν ἀντέλεγεν: [p. 290] ἐπειδὴ δὲ πρότεροι τὰς σπονδὰς ἔλυσαν Λατῖνοι, καὶ οὐχὶ τότε πρῶτον, ὥστε συγγνώμης τινὸς αὐτοῖς δεῖν ἀνάγκην καὶ ἀπάτην προβαλλομένοις, ἀλλὰ πολλάκις ἤδη καὶ πρότερον, ὥστε καὶ διορθώσεως σφίσι δεῖν, τὴν μὲν ἄδειαν ἅπασι συγκεχωρῆσθαι καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν διὰ τὸ συγγενές, τῆς δὲ γῆς τὴν ἡμίσειαν αὐτοὺς ἀφαιρεθῆναι καὶ κληρούχους ἀποσταλῆναι Ῥωμαίων εἰς αὐτήν, οἵ τινες ἐκείνην καρπώσονται καὶ
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 554