[2] When the enemy were informed of his arrival, they resolved to send for another army and to encamp in a place of greater strength, and no longer out of contempt for the Romans to expose themselves to reckless danger, as before. These resolutions were quickly carried out; and the commanders of the two armies both came to the same decision regarding the war, namely, to defend their own entrenchments if they were attacked, but to make no attempt upon those of the enemy in the expectation of carrying them by assault.
[3] καὶ ὁ διὰ μέσου χρόνος οὐκ ὀλίγος ἐγένετο φόβῳ τῶν ἐπιχειρήσεων τριβόμενος: οὐ μέντοι καὶ εἰς τέλος γε διαμένειν ἐν τοῖς ἐγνωσμένοις ἐδυνήθησαν. ὁπότε γὰρ ἐπισιτισμοῦ χάριν ἢ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιτηδείων τινός, ὧν ἀμφοτέροις ἔδει, μοῖρά τις ἀποσταλείη τῆς στρατιᾶς, συμβολαί τ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐγίνοντο καὶ πληγαί, καὶ τὸ νικᾶν οὐκ ἀεὶ παρὰ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἔμενε: πολλάκις δὲ συμπλεκομένων ἀλλήλοις ἀπέθνησκόν τ᾽ οὐκ ὀλίγοι καὶ τραυματίαι πλείους ἐγίνοντο.
[3] And meanwhile not a little time was wasted, because of their fear of making any attack upon each other. Nevertheless, they were not able to abide by betray resolutions to the end. For whenever any detachments were sent out to bring in provisions or anything else that was necessary to the two armies, there were encounters and blows were exchanged, and the victory did not always rest with the same side; and since they frequently clashed, not a few men were killed and more wounded.
[4] τοῖς μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαίοις τὸ ἀπαναλούμενον τῆς στρατιᾶς οὐδεμία ποθὲν ἐπικουρία [p. 265] ἐξεπλήρου, τὸ δὲ τῶν Οὐολούσκων στρατόπεδον ἄλλων ἐπ᾽ ἄλλοις ἡκόντων πολλὴν αὔξησιν ἐλάμβανε: καὶ τούτῳ ἐπαρθέντες οἱ ἡγεμόνες ἐξῆγον ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος τὴν δύναμιν ὡς εἰς μάχην.
[4] For the Romans the wastage of their army was made good by no replacements from any quarter; but the army of the Volscians was greatly increased by the arrival of one effort after another, and their generals, elated at this, led out the army from the camp ready for battle.
[1] ἐξελθόντων δὲ καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ παραταξαμένων ἰσχυρὰ μάχη γίνεται καὶ ἱππέων καὶ πεζῶν καὶ ψιλῶν ἴσῃ πάντων χρωμένων προθυμίᾳ τε καὶ ἐμπειρίᾳ, καὶ τὸ νικᾶν ἑκάστου παρ᾽ ἑαυτὸν μόνον τιθεμένου:
[89.1] When the Romans also came out and drew up their forces, a sharp engagement ensued, not only of the horse, but of the foot and the light-armed troops as well, all showing equal ardour and experience and every man placing his hopes of victory in himself alone.
[2] ὡς δὲ νεκροί τ᾽ αὐτῶν πολλοὶ ἑκατέρωθεν, ἐν ᾧ ἐτάχθησαν χωρίῳ, πεσόντες ἔκειντο, καὶ ἡμιθνῆτες ἔτι πλείους τῶν νεκρῶν, οἱ δὲ παρὰ τὸν ἀγῶνα καὶ τὰ δεινὰ ἔτι διαμένοντες ὀλίγοι ἦσαν, καὶ οὐδὲ οὗτοι δρᾶν τὰ πολέμου ἔργα δυνάμενοι βαρυνόντων μὲν αὐτοῖς τῶν σκεπαστηρίων τὰς εὐωνύμους χεῖρας διὰ πλῆθος τῶν ἐμπεπηγότων βελῶν, καὶ οὐκ ἐώντων ὑπομένειν τὰς προσβολάς, τετραμμένων δὲ τῶν ἐγχειριδίων τὰς ἀκμάς, ἔστι δ᾽ ὧν καὶ κατεαγότων ὅλων, οἷς οὐθὲν ἔτι ἦν χρῆσθαι, τοῦ τε κόπου, ὃς δι᾽ ὅλης ἡμέρας ἀγωνιζομένοις αὐτοῖς πολὺς ἐγεγόνει, παραλύοντος τὰ νεῦρα καὶ τὰς πληγὰς ἀσθενεῖς ποιοῦντος, ἱδρῶτος δὲ καὶ δίψης καὶ ἄσθματος, οἷα ἐν πνιγηρᾷ ὥρᾳ ἔτους τοῖς πολὺν χρόνον ἀγωνιζομένοις συμπίπτειν φιλεῖ, παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέροις γινομένων, τέλος οὐδὲν ἔλαβεν ἀξιόλογον ἡ μάχη, ἀλλ᾽ ἀγαπητῶς [p. 266] ἀμφότεροι τῶν στρατηγῶν ἀνακαλουμένων ἀπῆλθον ἐπὶ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν χάρακας: καὶ οὐκέτι μετὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἐξῄεσαν εἰς μάχην οὐδέτεροι, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντικαθήμενοι παρεφύλαττον ἀλλήλων τὰς ἕνεκα τῶν ἐπιτηδείων γινομένας ἐξόδους.
[2] At last, however, the bodies of the dead on both sides lay in great numbers where they had fallen at the posts assigned to them, and the men who were barely alive were even more numerous than the dead, while those who still continued the fight and faced its dangers were but few, and even these were unable to perform the tasks of war; for their shields, because of the multitude of spears that had stuck in them, weighed down their left arms and would not permit them to sustain the enemy’s onsets, and their daggers had their edges blunted or in some cases were entirely shattered and no longer of any use, and the great weariness of the men, who had fought the whole day, slackened their sinews and weakened their blows, and sweat, thirst, and want of breath afflicted both armies, as is wont to happen when men fight long in the stifling heat of summer. Thus the battle came to an end that was anything but remarkable; but both sides, as soon as their generals ordered a retreat to be sounded, gladly returned to their camps. After that neither army any longer ventured out for battle, but lying over against one another, they kept watch on each other’s movements when any detachments went out for supplies.
[3] ἔδοξε μέντοι καὶ λόγος ἦν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ πολύς, ὡς δυναμένη τότε νικᾶν ἡ Ῥωμαίων δύναμις ἑκουσία μηδὲν ἦν ἐργάσασθαι λαμπρὸν διὰ μῖσός τε τοῦ ὑπάτου καὶ ὀργήν, ἣν εἶχε πρὸς τοὺς πατρικίους ἐπὶ τῷ φενακισμῷ τῆς κληρουχίας. αὐτοὶ δ᾽ οἱ στρατιῶται τὸν ὕπατον ὡς οὐχ ἱκανὸν στρατηγεῖν ᾐτιῶντο, γράμματα πέμποντες ὡς τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους ἑαυτῶν ἕκαστοι. καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου γινόμενα τοιαῦτ᾽ ἦν: ἐν αὐτῇ δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ πολλὰ δαιμόνια σημεῖα ἐφαίνετο δηλωτικὰ θείου χόλου κατά τε φωνὰς καὶ ὄψεις ἀήθεις.
[3] It was believed, however, according to the report common in Rome, that the tendency, though it was then in their power to conquer, deliberately refused to perform any brilliant action because of hatred for the consul and the resentment they felt against the patricians for having played a tricking of them in the matter of the allotment of land. Indeed, the soldiers themselves, in letters they sent to their friends, accused the consul of being unfit to command.
While these things were happening in the camp, in Rome itself many prodigies in the way of unusual voices and sights occurred as indications of divine wrath.
[4] πάντα δ᾽ εἰς τοῦτο συνέτεινεν, ὡς οἵ τε μάντεις καὶ οἱ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐξηγηταὶ συνενέγκαντες τὰς ἐμπειρίας ἀπεφαίνοντο, ὅτι θεῶν χολοῦσθαὶ τινες οὐ κομίζονται τὰς νομίμους τιμὰς οὐ καθαρῶς οὐδὲ ὁσίως ἐπιτελουμένων αὐτοῖς τῶν ἱερῶν. ζήτησις δὴ μετὰ τοῦτο πολλὴ ἐκ πάντων ἐγίνετο, καὶ σὺν χρόνῳ μήνυσις ἀποδίδοται τοῖς ἱεροφάνταις, ὅτι τῶν παρθένων
μία τῶν φυλαττουσῶν τὸ ἱερὸν πῦρ, Ὀπιμία ὄνομα αὐτῇ, τὴν παρθενίαν ἀφαιρεθεῖσα μιαίνει τὰ ἱερά.
[4] And they all pointed to this conclusion, as the augurs and the interpreters of religious matters declared, after pooling their experiences, that some of the gods were angered because they were not receiving their customary honours, as their rites were not being performed in a pure and holy manner. Thereupon strict inquiry was made by everyone, and at last information was given to the pontiffs that one of the virgins who guarded the sacred fire, Opimia by name, had lost her virginity and was polluting the holy rites.
[5] οἱ δ᾽ ἔκ τε βασάνων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀποδείξεων [p. 267] μαθόντες, ὅτι τὸ μηνυόμενον ἦν ἀδίκημα ἀληθές, αὐτὴν μὲν τῆς κορυφῆς ἀφελόμενοι τὰ στέμματα καὶ πομπεύσαντες δι᾽ ἀγορᾶς ἐντὸς τείχους ζῶσαν κατώρυξαν: δύο δὲ τοὺς ἐξελεγχθέντας διαπράξασθαι τὴν φθορὰν μαστιγώσαντες ἐν φανερῷ παραχρῆμα ἀπέκτειναν καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο καλὰ τὰ ἱερὰ καὶ τὰ μαντεύματα ὡς ἀφεικότων αὐτοῖς τῶν θεῶν τὸν χόλον, ἐγίνετο.
[5] The pontiffs, having by tortures and other proofs found that the information was true, took from her head the fillets, and solemnly conducting her through the Forum, buried her alive inside the city walls. As for the two men who were convicted of violating her, they ordered them to be scourged in public and then put to death at once. Thereupon the sacrifices and the auguries became favourable, as if the gods had given up their anger against them.
[1] ὡς δὲ καθῆκεν ὁ τῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν χρόνος, ἐλθόντων τῶν ὑπάτων πολλὴ σπουδὴ καὶ παράταξις ἐγένετο τοῦ δήμου πρὸς τοὺς πατρικίους περὶ τῶν παραληψομένων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἀνδρῶν. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τῶν νεωτέρων ἐβούλοντο τοὺς δραστηρίους τε καὶ ἥκιστα δημοτικοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπατείαν προαγαγεῖν: καὶ μετῄει τὴν ἀρχὴν κελευσθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὁ υἱὸς Ἀππίου Κλαυδίου τοῦ πολεμιωτάτου τῷ δήμῳ δοκοῦντος εἶναι, μεστὸς αὐθαδείας ἀνὴρ καὶ θράσους, ἑταίροις τε καὶ πελάταις ἁπάντων πλεῖστον τῶν καθ᾽ ἡλικίαν δυνάμενος: ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐκ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τε καὶ τῶν πεῖραν ἤδη δεδωκότων τῆς ἐπιεικείας τοὺς προνοησομένους τοῦ κοινῇ συμφέροντος ὀνομάζων ἠξίου ποιεῖν ὑπάτους. αἵ τ᾽ ἀρχαὶ διειστήκεσαν καὶ τὰς ἀλλήλων ἀνέλυον ἐξουσίας.
[90.1] When the time for the election of magistrates arrived and the consuls had returned to Rome, there was great rivalry and marshalling of forces between the populace and the patricians concerning the persons who were to receive the chief magistracy. For the patricians desired to promote to the consulship those of the younger men who were energetic and least inclined to favour the plebeians; and at their behest the son of the Appius Claudius who was regarded as the greatest enemy of the plebeians stood for the office, a man full of arrogance and daring and by reason of his friends and clients the most powerful man of his age. The populace, on their part, named from among the older men who had already given proof of their reasonableness those who were likely to consult the common good, and desired to make them consuls. The magistrates also were divided and sought to invalidate one another’s authority.
[2] ὁπότε μὲν γὰρ οἱ ὕπατοι καλοῖεν τὸ πλῆθος ὡς ἀποδείξοντες τοὺς μετιόντας τὴν ἀρχὴν ὑπάτους, οἱ δήμαρχοι τοῦ κωλύειν ὄντες κύριοι διέλυον τὰ ἀρχαιρέσια, ὁπότε δ᾽ αὖ πάλιν ἐκεῖνοι [p. 268] καλοῖεν ὡς ἀρχαιρεσιάσοντα τὸν δῆμον, οὐκ ἐπέτρεπον οἱ ὕπατοι τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἔχοντες τοῦ συγκαλεῖν τοὺς λόχους καὶ τὰς ψήφους ἀναδιδόναι. κατηγορίαι τ᾽ ἀλλήλων ἐγίνοντο καὶ συνεχεῖς ἁψιμαχίαι καθ᾽ ἑταιρίας συνισταμένων, ὥστε καὶ πληγὰς ἀλλήλοις διδόναι τινὰς ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς, καὶ οὐ μακρὰν ἀποσχεῖν τὴν στάσιν τῶν ὅπλων.
[2] For whenever the consuls called an assembly of the multitude, to announce the candidates for the consulship, the tribunes, by virtue of their power to intervene, would dismiss the comitia; and whenever the tribunes, in turn, called an assembly of the people to elect magistrates, the consuls, who had the power of calling the centuries together and of taking their votes, would not permit them to proceed. There were mutual accusations and continual skirmishes between them, each side uniting in factional groups, with the result that even angry blows were exchanged and the sedition stopped little short of armed violence.
[3] ταῦτα μαθοῦσα ἡ βουλὴ πολὺν ἐσκόπει χρόνον, ὅ τι χρήσεται τοῖς πράγμασιν, οὔτε βιάσασθαι δυναμένη τὸν δῆμον οὔτ᾽ εἶξαι βουλομένη. ἦν δ᾽ ἡ μὲν αὐθαδεστέρα γνώμη δικτάτορα ἑλέσθαι τῶν ἀρχαιρεσιῶν ἕνεκα, ὃν ἂν ἡγῶνται κράτιστον εἶναι: τὸν δὲ λαβόντα τὴν ἐξουσίαν τούς τε νοσοποιοὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐξελεῖν, καὶ εἴ τι ἡμάρτηται ταῖς πρότερον ἀρχαῖς ἐπανορθώσασθαι, τόν τε κόσμον τοῦ πολιτεύματος, ὃν βούλεται, καταστησάμενον ἀνδράσι τοῖς κρατίστοις ἀποδοῦναι τὰς ἀρχάς.
[3] The senate, being informed of all this, deliberated for a long time how it should deal with the situation, being neither able to force the populace to submit or willing to yield. The bolder opinion in that body was for appointing a dictator, whomever they should considered to be the best, for the purpose of the election, and that the one receiving this power should banish the trouble-makers from the state, and if the former magistrates had been guilty of any error, that he should correct it, and then, after establishing the form of government he desired, should hand over the magistracies to the best men.
[4] ἡ δ᾽ ἐπιεικεστέρα μεσοβασιλεῖς ἑλέσθαι τοὺς πρεσβυτάτους τε καὶ τιμιωτάτους ἄνδρας, οἷς ἐπιμελὲς ἔσται τὰ περὶ τὰς ἀρχάς, ὅπως κράτισται γενήσονται, προνοηθῆναι, τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, ὅνπερ ἐπὶ τῶν βασιλέων τῶν ἐκλιπόντων ἐγίνοντο. ταύτῃ προσθεμένων τῇ γνώμῃ τῶν πλειόνων ἀποδείκνυται πρὸς αὐτῶν μεσοβασιλεὺς Αὖλος Σεμπρώνιος Ἀτρατῖνος:
[4] The more moderate opinion was for choosing oldest and most honoured senators as interreges to have charge of the election and see that it was carried out in the best manner, just as elections were formerly carried out upon the demise of their kings. The latter opinion having been approved by the majority, Aulus Sempronius Atratinus was appointed interrex by the senate and all the other magistracies were suspended.
[5] αἱ δ᾽ ἄλλαι κατελύθησαν ἀρχαί. οὗτος ἐπιτροπεύσας τὴν πόλιν ἀστασίαστον ὅσας ἐξῆν ἡμέρας ἕτερον ἀποδείκνυσιν, ὥσπερ αὐτοῖς ἔθος ἦν, Σπόριον Λάρκιον. κἀκ�
�ῖνος συγκαλέσας τὴν λοχῖτιν ἐκκλησίαν [p. 269] καὶ τὰς ψήφους κατὰ τὰ τιμήματα ἀναδούς, ἐκ τῆς ἀμφοτέρων εὐδοκήσεως ἀποδείκνυσιν ὑπάτους, Γάϊον Ἰούλιον, τὸν ἐπικαλούμενον Ἴουλον, ἐκ τῶν φιλοδήμων, καὶ Κόιντον Φάβιον Καίσωνος υἱὸν τὸ δεύτερον ἐκ τῶν ἀριστοκρατικῶν.
[5] After he had administered the commonwealth without any sedition for as many days as it was lawful, he appointed another interrex, according to their custom, naming Spurius Larcius. And Larcius, summoning the centuriate assembly and taking their votes according to the valuation of their property, named for consuls, with the approval of both sides, Gaius Julius, surnamed Iulus, one of the men friendly to the populace and, to serve for the second time, Quintus Fabius, the son of Caeso, who belonged to the aristocratic party.
[6] καὶ ὁ μὲν δῆμος οὐδὲν ἐκ τῆς προτέρας ὑπατείας αὐτοῦ πεπονθὼς εἴασε τυχεῖν ταύτης τῆς ἐξουσίας τὸ δεύτερον, μισῶν τὸν Ἄππιον καὶ ὅτι ἐκεῖνος ἀτιμασθῆναι ἐδόκει σφόδρα ἡδόμενος: τοῖς δ᾽ ἐν τέλει διαπεπραγμένοις δραστήριον ἄνδρα καὶ οὐθὲν ἐνδώσοντα τῷ δήμῳ μαλακὸν ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπατείαν παρελθεῖν, κατὰ γνώμην ἐδόκει κεχωρηκέναι τὰ τῆς διχοστασίας.
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 632