[2] ἵνα δὲ σὺν εὐσχήμονι δίκης τοῦτο πράττῃ προφάσει, μὴ παραγενηθέντος ἐπὶ τὴν ἐγγύην τοῦ πατρός, ἐπιστολὰς δοὺς τοῖς πιστοτάτοις ἱππεῦσιν ἔπεμψεν ἐπὶ τὸν χάρακα καὶ πρὸς Ἀντώνιον τὸν ἡγεμόνα τοῦ τάγματος, ὑφ᾽ οὗ ἦν Οὐεργίνιος, ἀξιῶν αὐτὸν κατέχειν τὸν ἄνδρα ἐν ἐπιμελεῖ φυλακῇ, μὴ λάθῃ πυθόμενος τὰ περὶ τὴν θυγατέρα καὶ διαδρὰς ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος.
[2] That he might do this with a plausible show of justice when the father should fail to appear as her surety, he sent his most trusted horsemen to the camp with letters for Antonius, the commander of the legion in which Verginius served, asking him to detain the man under strict guard, lest he learn of the situation of his daughter and steal away from the camp unobserved.
[3] ἔφθησαν δ᾽ αὐτὸν οἱ τῇ κόρῃ προσήκοντες, Νομιτωρίου τε υἱὸς καὶ ἀδελφὸς Ἰκιλίου, προαποσταλέντες ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων ἀρχομένης ἔτι τῆς καταστάσεως, νεανίαι λήματος πλήρεις ἀπὸ ῥυτῆρος καὶ μετὰ μάστιγος ἐλαθεῖσι τοῖς ἵπποις πρότερον διανύσαντες τὴν ὁδὸν καὶ τῷ Οὐεργινίῳ
[3] But he was forestalled by two relations of the girl, namely a son of Numitorius and a brother of Icilius, who had been sent ahead by the rest at the very beginning of the affair. These, being young and full of spirit, drove their horses with loose rein and under the whip, and completing the journey ahead of the men sent by Appius, informed Verginius of what had taken place.
[4] τὰ πεπραγμένα διασαφηνίσαντες. ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν ἀληθῆ πρὸς Ἀντώνιον αἰτίαν ἀποκρυψάμενος, ἀναγκαίου δέ τινος συγγενοῦς σκηψάμενος πεπύσθαι θάνατον, οὗ τὴν ἐκκομιδήν τε καὶ ταφὴν αὐτὸν ἔδει ποιήσασθαι κατὰ τὸν νόμον, ἀφίεται καὶ περὶ λύχνων ἁφὰς ἤλαυνε μετὰ τῶν μειρακίων κατ᾽ ἄλλας ὁδοὺς διωγμὸν ἔκ τε τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως δεδοικώς: ὅπερ καὶ συνέβη.
[4] He, going to Antonius and concealing the true reason for his request, pretended that he had received word of the death of a certain near relation whose unless and burial he was obliged by law to perform; and being given a furlough, he set out about lamp-lighting time with the youths, taking by-roads for fear of being pursued both from the camp and from the city — the very thing which actually happened.
[5] ὅ τε γὰρ Ἀντώνιος τὰς ἐπιστολὰς δεξάμενος περὶ πρώτην μάλιστα φυλακήν, [p. 169] ἴλην ἀπέστειλεν ἱππέων ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν, ἔκ τε τῆς πόλεως ἕτεροι πεμφθέντες ἱππεῖς δι᾽ ὅλης νυκτὸς ἐφρούρουν τὴν ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου φέρουσαν ὁδόν. ὡς δὲ ἀπήγγειλεν Ἀππίῳ τις τὸν Οὐεργίνιον ἐληλυθότα παρὰ τὴν ὑπόληψιν, ἔξω τῶν φρενῶν γενόμενος παρῆν μετὰ πολλοῦ στίφους ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα καὶ προσάγειν ἐκέλευσε τοὺς τῆς κόρης συγγενεῖς.
[5] For Antonius, upon receiving the letters about the first watch, sent a troop of horse after him, while other horsemen, sent from the city, patrolled all night long the road that led from the camp to Rome. When Appius was informed by somebody of the unexpected arrival of Verginius, he lost control of himself, and going to the tribunal with a large body of attendants, ordered the relations of the girl to be brought.
[6] προσελθόντων δ᾽ αὐτῶν ὁ μὲν Κλαύδιος τοὺς αὐτοὺς πάλιν διεξελθὼν λόγους ἠξίου τὸν Ἄππιον γενέσθαι δικαστὴν τοῦ πράγματος μηδεμίαν ἀναβολὴν ποιησάμενον, τόν τε μηνυτὴν παρεῖναι λέγων καὶ τοὺς μάρτυρας καὶ τὴν θεράπαιναν αὐτὴν παραδούς: ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἅπασι πολὺς ὁ προσποιητὸς σχετλιασμὸς ἦν, εἰ μὴ τεύξεται τῶν ἴσων τοῖς ἄλλοις, ὡς πρότερον, ὅτι πελάτης ἦν αὐτοῦ: καὶ παράκλησις, ἵνα μὴ τοῖς ἐλεεινότερα λέγουσιν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς δικαιότερα ἀξιοῦσι βοηθεῖν.
[6] When they had come, Claudius repeated what he had said before and asked Appius to act as judge in the matter without delay, declaring that both the informant and the witnesses were present and offering the slave woman herself to be examined. On top of all this there was the pretence of great indignation, if he was not to obtain the same justice as other people, as he had previously, because he was a client of Appius, and also an appeal that Appius should not support those whose complaints were the more pitiful, but rather those whose claims were the more just.
[1] ὁ δὲ τῆς κόρης πατὴρ καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ συγγενεῖς ἀπελογοῦντο περὶ τῆς ὑποβολῆς πολλὰ καὶ δίκαια καὶ ἀληθῆ λέγοντες, ὡς οὔτ᾽ αἰτίαν οὐδεμίαν εἶχεν ὑποβολῆς εὔλογον ἡ Νομιτωρίου μὲν ἀδελφή, Οὐεργινίου δὲ γυνή, παρθένος γαμηθεῖσα νέῳ ἀνδρὶ καὶ οὐ μετὰ πολλοὺς τοῦ γάμου τεκοῦσα χρόνους: οὔτ᾽ εἰ τὰ μάλιστα ἐβούλετο γένος ἀλλότριον εἰς τὸν ἴδιον οἶκον εἰσαγαγεῖν, δούλης ἀλλοτρίας ἂν ἐλάμβανε παιδίον μᾶλλον ἢ οὐ γυναικὸς ἐλευθέρας κατὰ γένος ἢ φιλίαν αὐτῇ προσηκούσης, παρ᾽ ἧς πιστῶς τε ἅμα [p. 170]
[34.1] The father of the girl and her other relations made a defence with many just and truthful arguments against the charge that she had been substituted for a still-born child, namely, that the sister of Numitorius, wife of Verginius, had had no reasonable ground for a substitution, since she, a virgin, married to a young man, had borne a child no very considerable time after her marriage; and again, if she had desired ever so much to introduce the offspring of another woman into her own family, she would not have taken the child of someone else’s slave rather than that of a free woman united to her by consanguinity or friendship, one from whom she would take it in the confidence and indeed certainty that she could keep what she had received.
[2] καὶ βεβαίως ἕξει τὸ ληφθέν. ἐξουσίαν τε ἔχουσαν ὁποῖον ἐβούλετο λαβεῖν, ἄρρεν ἂν ἑλέσθαι παιδίον μᾶλλον ἢ θῆλυ. τεκοῦσαν μὲν γὰρ ἀνάγκην τῶν τέκνων δεομένην στέργειν καὶ τρέφειν, ὅ τι ἂν ἡ φύσις ἐξενέγκῃ, ὑποβαλλομένην δὲ τὸ κρεῖττον ἀντὶ
[2] And when she had it in her power to take a child of whichever sex she wished, she would have chosen a male child rather than a female. For a mother, if she wants children, must of necessity be contented with and rear whatever offspring nature produces, whereas a woman who substitutes a child will in all probability choose the better sex instead of the inferior.
[3] τοῦ χείρονος εἰκὸς εἶναι λαβεῖν. πρός τε τὸν μηνυτὴν καὶ τοὺς μάρτυρας, οὓς ὁ Κλαύδιος ἔφη πολλοὺς καὶ ἀξιοχρέους παρέξεσθαι, τὸν ἐκ τῶν εἰκότων παρείχοντο λόγον, ὡς οὐκ ἄν ποτε ἡ Νομιτωρία πρᾶγμα σιγῆς δεόμενον κα�
�� δι᾽ ἑνὸς ὑπηρετηθῆναι προσώπου δυνάμενον, φανερῶς ἔπραττε καὶ μετὰ μαρτύρων ἐλευθέρων, ἵν᾽ ἐκτραφεῖσαν τὴν κόρην ὑπὸ τῶν κυρίων τῆς μητρὸς ἀφαιρεθείη.
[3] As against the informer and the witnesses whom Claudius said he would produce in great numbers, and all of them trustworthy, they offered the argument from probability, that Numitoria would never have done openly and in conjunction with witnesses of free condition a deed that required secrecy and could have been performed for her by one person, when as a result she might see the girl she had reared taken away from her by the owners of the girl’s mother.
[4] τόν τε χρόνον οὐ μικρὸν ἔλεγον εἶναι τεκμήριον τοῦ μηδὲν ὑγιὲς λέγειν τὸν κατήγορον: οὔτε γὰρ ἂν τὸν μηνυτὴν οὔτε τοὺς μάρτυρας κατασχεῖν ἐν πεντεκαίδεκα ἔτεσιν ἀπόρρητον τὴν ὑποβολήν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι πρότερον εἰπεῖν.
[4] Also the lapse of time, they said, was no slight evidence that there was nothing sound in what the plaintiff alleged; for neither the informer nor the witnesses would have kept the substitution a secret during fifteen years, but would have told of it before this.
[5] διαβάλλοντες δὲ τὰς τῶν κατηγόρων πίστεις οὔτ᾽ ἀληθεῖς οὔτε πιθανὰς ἀντιπαρεξετάζειν ταύταις ἠξίουν τὰς ἑαυτῶν, πολλὰς καὶ οὐκ ἀσήμους γυναῖκας ὀνομάζοντες, ἃς ἔφασαν εἰδέναι Νομιτωρίαν ἐγκύμονα γενομένην ἐκ τοῦ περὶ τὴν γαστέρα ὄγκου. χωρὶς δὲ τούτων τὰς ἐπὶ τοῦ τόκου καὶ τῆς λοχείας παραγενομένας διὰ [p. 171] τὸ συγγενὲς καὶ τικτόμενον τὸ παιδίον ἰδούσας ἐπεδείκνυντο καὶ ἀνακρίνειν ἠξίουν.
[5] While discrediting the plaintiff’s proofs as neither true nor probable, they asked that their own proofs might be weighed against them, and named many women, and those of no mean note, who they said had known when Numitoria came with child by the size of her abdomen. Besides these they produced women who because of their kinship had been present at her labour and delivery and had seen the child brought into the world, and asked that these be questioned.
[6] ὃ δὲ πάντων τεκμήριον ἦν περιφανέστατον ἔκ τε τῶν ἀνδρῶν πολλῶν καὶ γυναικῶν μαρτυρούμενον οὐ μόνον ἐλευθέρων, ἀλλὰ καὶ δούλων, τοῦτ᾽ ἔλεγον τελευτῶντες, ὅτι τῷ γάλακτι τῆς μητρὸς ἐτράφη τὸ παιδίον: ἀμήχανον δ᾽ εἶναι γάλακτος πληρωθῆναι μαστοὺς γυναικὶ μὴ τεκούσῃ.
[6] But the clearest proof of all, which was attested by both men in large numbers and women, freemen and slaves as well, they brought in at the last, stating that the child had been suckled by her mother and that it was impossible for a woman to have her breasts full of milk if she had not borne a child.
[1] ταῦτα καὶ πολλὰ τούτοις ὅμοια παρεχομένων αὐτῶν ἰσχυρὰ καὶ οὐδένα λόγον ἐναντίον δέξασθαι δυνάμενα καὶ πολὺν ἐν ταῖς συμφοραῖς τῆς κόρης ἔλεον καταχεομένων, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες, ὅσοι συνήκουον τῶν λόγων, τῆς τε μορφῆς οἶκτον ἐλάμβανον,
[35.1] While they were presenting these arguments and many others equally weighty and incontrovertible and were pouring forth a stream of compassion over the girl’s misfortunes, all the others who heard their words felt pity for her beauty
[2] ὁπότ᾽ εἰς τὴν παρθένον ἴδοιεν: καὶ γὰρ ἐν ἐσθῆτι οὖσα πιναρᾷ καὶ κατηφὲς ὁρῶσα καὶ τὸ καλὸν τῶν ὀμμάτων ἐκτήκουσα τὰς ἁπάντων ἥρπαζεν ὄψεις, οὕτως ὑπεράνθρωπός τις ὥρα περὶ αὐτὴν καὶ χάρις ἦν: καὶ τὸ τῆς τύχης ἀνεκλαίοντο παράλογον, εἰς οἵας ὕβρεις καὶ προπηλακισμοὺς ἐλεύσοιτο ἐξ οἵων ἀγαθῶν.
[2] as they cast their eyes upon her, — for being dressed in squalid attire, gazing down at the ground, and dimming the lustre of her eyes with tears, she arrested the eyes of all, so superhuman a beauty and grace enveloped her, — and all bewailed the perversity of Fortune when they considered what abuses and insults she would encounter after falling from such prosperity.
[3] εἰσῄει τ᾽ αὐτοὺς λογισμός, ὅτι τοῦ περὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας νόμου καταλυθέντος οὐδὲν ἔσται τὸ κωλῦον καὶ τὰς αὐτῶν γυναῖκας καὶ θυγατέρας τὰ αὐτὰ ἐκείνῃ παθεῖν. ταῦτά τε δὴ καὶ πολλὰ τούτοις ὅμοια ἐπιλογιζόμενοι καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαλαλοῦντες ἔκλαιον.
[3] And they began to reason that, once the law which secured their liberty was violated, there was nothing to prevent their own wives and daughters also from suffering the same treatment as this girl. While they were making these and many like reflections and communicating them to one another, they wept.
[4] ὁ δὲ Ἄππιος, οἷα δὴ [p. 172] φύσιν τε οὐ φρενήρης ἀνὴρ καὶ ὑπὸ μεγέθους ἐξουσίας διεφθαρμένος, οἰδῶν τε τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ ζέων τὰ σπλάγχνα διὰ τὸν ἔρωτα τῆς παιδός, οὔτε τοῖς λόγοις τῶν ἀπολογουμένων προσεῖχεν οὔτε τοῖς δάκρυσιν αὐτῆς ἐπεκλᾶτο, τήν τε συμπάθειαν τῶν παρόντων δι᾽ ὀργῆς ἐλάμβανεν, ὡς αὐτὸς δὴ πλείονος ὢν ἄξιος ἐλέου καὶ δεινότερα ὑπὸ τῆς δεδουλωμένης αὐτὸν εὐμορφίας πεπονθώς.
[4] But Appius, inasmuch as he was not by nature sound of mind and now was spoiled by the greatness of his power, his soul turgid and his bowels inflamed because of his love of the girl, neither paid heed to the pleas of her defenders nor was moved by her tears, and furthermore resented the sympathy shown for her by the bystanders, as though he himself deserved greater pity and had suffered greater torments from the comeliness which had enslaved him.
[5] διὰ δὴ ταῦτα πάντα οἰστρῶν λόγον τε ὑπέμεινεν εἰπεῖν ἀναίσχυντον, ἐξ οὗ καταφανὴς ἐγένετο τοῖς ὑπονοοῦσιν, ὅτι τὸ συκοφάντημα κατὰ τῆς κόρης αὐτὸς ἔγραψε καὶ ἔργον ἐτόλμησε τυραννικὸν πρᾶξαι καὶ ὠμόν.
[5] Goaded, therefore, by all these emotions, he not only had the effrontery to make a shameless speech, by which he made it clear to those who suspected as much that he himself had contrived the fraudulent charge against the girl, but he also dared to commit a cruel and tyrannical deed.
[1] ἔτι γὰρ αὐτῶν λεγόντων ἡσυχίαν γενέσθαι κελεύσας, ἐπειδὴ σιωπή τ᾽ ἐγένετο, καὶ πᾶς ὁ κατὰ τὴν ἀγορὰν ὄχλος τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐλάμβανεν ἐπιθυμίᾳ γνώσεως τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ λεχθησομένων προαχθείς, πολλάκις ἐπιστρέψας τὸ πρόσωπον τῇδε καὶ τῇδε καὶ τὰ στίφη τῶν ἑταίρων, οἷς διειλήφει τὴν ἀγοράν, τοῖς
[36.1] For while they were still pleading their cause, he commanded silence; and when there was quiet and the whole crowd in the Forum began moving forward, prompted by a desire to
know what he would say, he repeatedly turned his glance here and there, his eyes taking count of the bands of his partisans, who by his orders had posted themselves in different parts of the Forum, and then spoke as follows:
[2] ὄμμασι διαριθμησάμενος τοιάδ᾽ εἶπεν: ἐγὼ δὲ περὶ τοῦδε τοῦ πράγματος, ὦ Οὐεργίνιε, καὶ ὑμεῖς οἱ σὺν τούτῳ παρόντες, οὐ νῦν πρῶτον ἀκήκοα, ἀλλὰ παλαίτερον ἔτι πρὶν ἢ τήνδε τὴν ἀρχὴν παραλαβεῖν. ὃν τρόπον δ᾽ ἔγνων, ἀκούσατε. ὁ πατὴρ ὁ Μάρκου Κλαυδίου [p. 173] τουδὶ τελευτῶν τὸν βίον ἠξίωσέ με τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ παῖδα καταλειπόμενον ἐπιτροπεῦσαι: πελάται δ᾽ εἰσὶ τῆς οἰκίας ἡμῶν ἐκ προγόνων.
[2] “This is not the first time, Verginius and you who are present with him, that I have heard of this matter, but it was long ago, even before I assumed this magistracy. Hear, now, in what way it came to my knowledge. The father of Marcus Claudius here, when he was dying, asked me to be the guardian of his son, whom he was leaving a mere boy; for the Claudii are hereditary clients of our family.
[3] ἐν δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ τῆς ἐπιτροπείας μήνυσις ἐγένετό μοι περὶ τῆς παιδός, ὡς ὑποβάλοιτο αὐτὴν Νομιτωρία λαβοῦσα παρὰ τῆς Κλαυδίου δούλης, καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐξετάσας ἔμαθον οὕτως ἔχον. ἐφάπτεσθαι μὲν οὖν ἐμαυτοῦ προσῆκέ μοι, βέλτιον δὲ ἡγησάμην τούτῳ τὴν ἐξουσίαν καταλιπεῖν, ὁπότε γένοιτο ἀνήρ, εἴτε βουληθείη τὴν παιδίσκην ἀπάγειν, εἴτε διαλύσασθαι πρὸς τοὺς τρέφοντας αὐτὴν χρηματισθεὶς ἢ χαρισάμενος.
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 693