[4] ἔτι δ᾽ αὐτῶν συλλεγομένων ἧκον οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἐν Φιδήνῃ στρατιᾶς ἡγεμόνες ἀγανακτοῦντες ἐπὶ τῷ καταλελεῖφθαι τοὺς χάρακας ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀμφοτέρους, καὶ τὴν βουλὴν πείθοντες ἀξίαν τοῦ πράγματος ὀργὴν κατ᾽ αὐτῶν λαβεῖν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἀγορεύειν γνώμην ἕκαστον ἔδει, Λεύκιος μὲν Κορνήλιος ἔφη δεῖν ἀπεῖναι τοὺς ταχθέντα εἰς τὸν Ἀουεντῖνον αὐθημερὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν χάρακας, καὶ τὰ κελευόμενα ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐπιτελεῖν μηδενὸς ὄντας τῶν γεγονότων ὑποδίκους, πλὴν τῶν αἰτίων τῆς ἀποστάσεως μόνων:
[4] While these were still assembling, the commanders of the army at Fidenae arrived, full of indignation that both the camps had been abandoned by the soldiers, and they endeavoured to persuade the senate to resent this action as it deserved. When the senators were to deliver their opinions one after another, Lucius Cornelius declared that the soldiers who were posted on the Aventine must return that very day to their camps and carry out the orders of their generals, though they should not be subject to trial for anything that had happened, save only the authors of the revolt, who should be punished by the generals.
[5] τούτοις δὲ προσθεῖναι δίκας τοὺς στρατηγούς. ἐὰν δὲ μὴ ποιῶσι ταῦτα, βουλεύειν περὶ αὐτῶν τὸ συνέδριον ὡς ἐκλελοιπότων τὴν τάξιν, ἐφ᾽ ἣν ἐτάχθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἡγεμόνων, καὶ περὶ τὸν στρατιωτικὸν ἠσεβηκότων ὅρκον. Λεύκιος δὲ Οὐαλέριος .... [p. 189]
[5] If, however, they did not do as commanded, the senate should deliberate concerning them as concerning men who had abandoned the post to which they had been assigned by their generals and had violated their military oath. Lucius Valerius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
[6] ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν νόμων, οὓς ἐν ταῖς δώδεκα δέλτοις ἀναγεγραμμένους εὕρομεν, οὔτε μηδένα ποιήσασθαι λόγον ἥρμοττεν, οὕτω σεμνῶν ὄντων καὶ τοσαύτην ἐχόντων διαφορὰν παρὰ τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς νομοθεσίας, οὔτε περαιτέρω τοῦ δέοντος προβαίνειν ἐκμηκύναντας τὴν περὶ αὐτῶν ἱστορίαν.
[6] But it behooved me neither to make no mention of the Roman laws which I found written on the Twelve Tables, since they are so venerable and so far superior to the codes of the Greeks, nor to go on and extend my account of them farther than was necessary.
[1] οἱ δὲ μετὰ τὴν κατάλυσιν τῆς δεκαδαρχίας τὴν ὕπατον ἀρχὴν πρῶτοι παρὰ τοῦ δήμου λαβόντες ἐπὶ τῆς λοχίτιδος ἐκκλησίας, ὥσπερ ἔφην, Λεύκιος Οὐαλέριος Ποτῖτος καὶ Μάρκος Ὁράτιος Βαρβᾶτος, αὐτοί τε δημοτικοὶ τὰς φύσεις ὄντες καὶ παρὰ τῶν προγόνων ταύτην διαδεδεγμένοι τὴν πολιτείαν, τὰς ὑποσχέσεις φυλάττοντες, ἃς ἐποιήσαντο πρὸς τοὺς δημοτικούς, ὅτ᾽ ἀποθέσθαι τὰ ὅπλα συνέπειθον αὐτούς, ὡς πάντα τὰ συμφέροντα τῷ δήμῳ πολιτευσόμενοι, νόμους ἐκύρωσαν ἐν ἐκκλησίαις λοχίτισι, δυσχεραινόντων μὲν τῶν πατρικίων, αἰδουμένων δ᾽ ἀντιλέγειν, ἄλλους τέ τινας, οὓς οὐ δέομαι γράφειν, καὶ τὸν κελεύοντα τοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου τεθέντας ἐν ταῖς φυλετικαῖς ἐκκλησίαις νόμους ἅπασι κεῖσθαι Ῥωμαίοις ἐξ ἴσου, τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχοντας δύναμιν τοῖς ἐν ταῖς λοχίτισιν ἐκκλησίαις τεθησομένοις. τιμωρίαι δὲ προσέκειντο τοῖς καταλύουσιν ἢ παραβαίνουσι τὸν νόμον,
[45.1] After the overthrow of the decemvirate the first persons to receive the consular office from the people in a centuriate assembly were, as I have stated, Lucius Valerius Potitus and Marcus Horatius Barbatus, who were not only of their own nature favourable to the populace, but had also inherited that political creed from their ancestors. In fulfilment of the promises they had made to the plebeians, when they persuaded them to lay down their arms, that in their administration they would consult all the interests of the people, they secured the ratification in centuriate assemblies of various laws, most of which I need not mention, laws with which the patricians were displeased though they were ashamed to oppose them, and particularly the one which ordained that the laws passed by the populace in its tribal assemblies should apply to all the Romans alike, having the same force as those which should be passed in the centuriate assemblies. The penalties provided for such as should abrogate or transgress this law, in case they were convicted, were death and the confiscation of their estates.
[2] ἐὰν ἁλῶσι, θάνατος καὶ δήμευσις τῆς οὐσίας. οὗτος ὁ νόμος ἐξέβαλε τὰς ἀμφισβητήσεις τῶν πατρικίων, ἃς ἐποιοῦντο πρὸς τοὺς δημοτικοὺς πρότερον, οὐκ ἀξιοῦντες [p. 190] τοῖς ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων τεθεῖσι νόμοις πειθαρχεῖν, οὐδ᾽ ὅλως τὰ ἐν ταῖς φυλετικαῖς ἐκκλησίαις ἐπικυρούμενα κοινὰ τῆς πόλεως ἁπάσης δόγματα νομίζοντες, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸ μόνοις ἐκείνοις ἴδιον: ὅ τι δ᾽ ἂν ἡ λοχῖτις ἐκκλησία γνῷ, τοῦθ᾽ ἡγούμενοι σφίσι τ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις πολίταις τετάχθαι.
[2] This law put an end to the controversies previously carried on by the patricians against the plebeians when they refused to obey the laws enacted by the latter and would not at all regard the measures passed in the tribal assemblies as joint decrees of the whole state, but as merely private matters for the plebeians only; whereas they considered that any resolution the centuriate assembly passed applied not only to themselves but to the rest of the citizens as well.
[3] εἴρηται δὲ καὶ πρότερον, ὅτι ἐν μὲν ταῖς φυλετικαῖς ἐκκλησίαις οἱ δημοτικοὶ καὶ πένητες ἐκράτουν τῶν πατρικίων, ἐν δὲ ταῖς λοχίτισιν ἐκκλησίαις οἱ πατρίκιοι παρὰ πολὺ τῶν ἄλλων ἐλάττους ὄντες περιῆσαν τῶν δημοτικῶν.
[3] It has been mentioned earlier that in the tribal assemblies the plebeians and the poor prevailed over the patricians, whereas in the centuriate assemblies the patricians, though far less numerous, had the upper hand over the plebeians.
[1] τούτου κυρωθέντος ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων τοῦ νόμου σὺν ἄλλοις τισὶν ὥσπερ ἔφην δημοτικοῖς εὐθὺς οἱ δήμαρχοι καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἥκειν νομίζοντες, ἐν ᾧ τιμωρήσονται τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον, εἰσαγγελίας ᾤοντο δεῖν ποιήσασθαι κατ᾽ αὐτῶν, οὐχ ἅμα πάντας ὑπάγοντες ὑπὸ τὴν δίκην, ἵνα μηδὲν ἀλλήλους ὠφελῶσιν, ἀλλὰ καθ᾽ ἕνα: ῥᾷον γὰρ οὕτως ὑπελάμβανον εὐμεταχειρίστους ἔσεσθαι.
[46.1] When this law, together with some others of a popular nature, as I have related, had been ratified by the consuls, the tribunes immedi
ately, believing a fitting occasion had arrived for punishing Appius and his colleagues, thought they ought to bring charges against them, but not to put them all on trial at the same time, in order to prevent their helping one another in any way, but one by one; for they concluded that in this way they would be easier to manage.
[2] σκοπούμενοι δ᾽ ἀπὸ τίνος ἂν ἄρξαιντο ἐπιτηδειοτάτου, τὸν Ἄππιον πρῶτον ἔγνωσαν εὐθύνειν τῶν τ᾽ ἄλλων ἀδικημάτων ἕνεκα μισούμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου, καὶ τῶν νεωστὶ περὶ τὴν παρθένον γενομένων παρανομιῶν. ἑλόντες μὲν γὰρ τοῦτον εὐπετῶς ἐδόκουν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κρατήσειν, εἰ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τῶν ταπεινοτέρων ἄρξαιντο, μαλακωτέρας ὑπελάμβανον τὰς ὀργὰς τῶν πολιτῶν πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους καὶ τελευταίους κρινομένους ἔσεσθαι, [p. 191] συντονωτέρας οὔσας ἐπὶ τοῖς προτέροις ἀγῶσιν, ὃ
[2] And considering which one of them would be the most suitable to begin with, they determined to call Appius to account first, since he was hated by the people, not only because of his other crimes, but particularly because of his recent lawless acts with regard to the maiden. For they judged that if they convicted him they would easily get the better of the others, whereas, if they should begin with those of humbler station, they imagined that the resentment of the citizens, which is always more violent in the earlier trials, would be milder toward the most eminent men if they were tried last — as had often happened before.
[3] πολλάκις ἤδη συνέβη. ταῦτα βουλευσάμενοι συνέσχον τοὺς ἄνδρας, Ἀππίου δὲ Οὐεργίνιον ἔταξαν ἄνευ κλήρου κατηγορεῖν. εἰσαγγέλλεται δὴ μετὰ τοῦτο εἰς τὸν δῆμον Ἄππιος ὑπὸ τοῦ Οὐεργινίου κατηγορηθεὶς ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας καὶ αἰτεῖται χρόνον εἰς ἀπολογίαν. ἀπαχθεὶς δ᾽ εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον, ἵνα φυλάττηται μέχρι δίκης — οὐ γὰρ ἐδόθη διεγγύησις αὐτῷ — πρὶν ἐπιστῆναι τὴν ἀποδειχθεῖσαν ἡμέραν τῆς κρίσεως ἐν τοῖς δεσμοῖς ἀποθνήσκει, ὡς μὲν ἡ τῶν πολλῶν ὑπόληψις ἦν ἐξ ἐπιταγῆς τῶν δημάρχων, ὡς δ᾽ οἱ τὴν αἰτίαν ἀπολύσασθαι βουλόμενοι διεφήμιζον, αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν ἀναρτησάμενος βρόχῳ.
[3] Having resolved upon this course, they took the decemvirs into custody and appointed Verginius to be the accuser of Appius without drawing lots. Thereupon Appius was cited before the tribunal of the people to answer an accusation brought against him in their assembly by Verginius; and he asked for time to prepare his defence. He was haled to prison to be guarded until his trial, as bail was not allowed him; but before the day appointed for the trial came, he met his death in prison, — according to the suspicion of most people, by order of the tribunes, but according to the report of those who wished to clear them of this charge, by hanging himself.
[4] μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον Σπόριος Ὄππιος εἰσαχθεὶς εἰς τὸν δῆμον ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρου τῶν δημάρχων Ποπλίου Νομιτωρίου καὶ τυχὼν ἀπολογίας ἁπάσαις ἁλίσκεται ταῖς ψήφοις καὶ παραδοθεὶς εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον αὐθημερὸν ἀποθνήσκει. οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ τῶν δέκα πρὶν εἰσαγγελθῆναι φυγαῖς αὑτοὺς ἐζημίωσαν. τὰς δ᾽ οὐσίας τῶν ἀνῃρημένων καὶ τῶν πο ... οἱ ταμίαι τῆς πόλεως ἀνέλαβον εἰς τὸ δημόσιον.
[4] After him, Spurius Oppius was brought before the tribunal of the people by another of the tribunes, Publius Numitorius, and being allowed to make his defence, was unanimously condemned, committed to prison, and put to death the same day. The rest of the decemvirs punished themselves by voluntary exile before they were indicted. The estates both of those who had been put to death and of those who had made their escape were confiscated by the quaestors.
[5] εἰσαγγέλλεται δὲ καὶ Μάρκος Κλαύδιος ὁ τὴν παρθένον ἐπιβαλόμενος ὡς δούλην ἀπάγειν ὑπὸ τοῦ μνηστῆρος αὐτῆς Ἰκιλίου: καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν εἰς τὸν ἐπιτάξαντα παρανομεῖν Ἄππιον ἀναφέρων θανάτου μὲν ἀπολύεται, φυγῇ δ᾽ ἀιδίῳ ζημιοῦται, τῶν δ᾽ ἄλλων τῶν ὑπηρετησάντων τι παράνομον τοῖς ὀλιγάρχαις οὐδεὶς ἔσχεν ἀγῶνα δημόσιον, [p. 192] ἀλλὰ πᾶσιν ἄδεια ἐδόθη. ὁ δὲ τοῦτο τὸ πολίτευμα εἰσηγησάμενος ἦν Μάρκος Δοέλλιος ὁ δήμαρχος ἀχθομένων ἤδη τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ τῶν πολεμίων γενέσθαι προσδοκώντων.
[5] Marcus Claudius, who had attempted to take away the maiden as his slave, was also accused by Icilius, her betrothed; however, by putting the blame on Appius, who had ordered him to commit the crime, he escaped death, but was condemned to perpetual banishment. Of the others who had been the instruments of the decemvirs in any crime, none had a public trial, but impunity was granted to them all. This course was proposed by Marcus Duilius, the tribune, when the citizens were already showing irritation and were expecting that . . . would be . . . enemies.
[1] ἐπεὶ δ᾽ αἱ κατὰ πόλιν ἐπαύσαντο ταραχαί, συναγαγόντες τὴν βουλὴν οἱ ὕπατοι δόγμα κυροῦσιν ἐξάγειν τὸν στρατὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους διὰ ταχέων. ἐπικυρώσαντος δὲ τοῦ δήμου τὰ ψηφισθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς Οὐαλέριος μὲν ἅτερος τῶν ὑπάτων τὴν ἡμίσειαν ἔχων τοῦ στρατοῦ μοῖραν ἐξῆγεν ἐπί τ᾽ Αἰκανοὺς καὶ Οὐολούσκους: συνῆλθε γὰρ ἀμφότερα τὰ ἔθνη.
[47.1] After the domestic disturbances ceased, the consuls assembled the senate and procured the passing of a decree that they should lead out the army in all haste against the enemy. And the people having ratified the decree of the senate, Valerius, one of the consuls, marched with one half of the army against the Aequian and the Volscians; for these two nations had joined forces.
[2] ἐπιστάμενος δὲ τοὺς Αἰκανοὺς ἐκ τῶν προτέρων κατορθωμάτων αὔχημα προσειληφότας καὶ εἰς πολλὴν καταφρόνησιν τῆς Ῥωμαίων δυνάμεως προελθόντας, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐβούλετο ἐπᾶραι καὶ θρασυτέρους ποιῆσαι δόξαν οὐκ ἀληθῆ παρασχών, ὡς ὀρρωδῶν εἰς χεῖρας ἰέναι πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ πάντα δεδιότως ἐποίει.
[2] Understanding that the Aequians had gained assurance from their former successes and had come to entertain a great contempt for the Roman forces, he wished to increase their confidence and boldness by creating the false impression that he dreaded coming to close quarters with them, and in every move he simulated timidity.
[3] χωρίον τε γὰρ εἰς στρατοπεδείαν ὑψηλὸν καὶ δυσπρόσιτον ἐξελέξατο τάφρον τε βαθεῖαν περιεβάλετο καὶ χάρακας ἤγειρεν ὑψηλούς. προκαλουμένων δὲ τῶν πολεμίων αὐτὸν εἰς μάχην πολλάκις καὶ κακιζόντων [p. 193] τὴν ἀνανδρίαν ἠνείχετο μένων ἐφ᾽ ἡσυ�
�ίας. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἔγνω τὴν κρατίστην τῶν πολεμίων δύναμιν ἐπὶ προνομὴν τῆς Ἑρνίκων τε καὶ Λατίνων γῆς ἐξεληλυθυῖαν, ἐν δὲ τῷ χάρακι φυλακὴν οὔτε πολλὴν καταλειπομένην οὔτ᾽ ἀγαθήν, τοῦτον εἶναι νομίσας τὸν καιρὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἐξῆγε κεκοσμημένην τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ παρέστησεν ὡς εἰς μάχην.
[3] For instance, he chose for his camp a lofty position difficult of access, surrounded it with a deep ditch, and erected high ramparts. And when the enemy repeatedly challenged him to battle and taunted him with cowardice, he bore it with patience and remained quiet. But upon learning that their best forces had set out to plunder the territory of the Hernicans and the Latins and that there was left in the camp a garrison that was neither large nor able, he thought this was the fitting moment, and leading out his army in regular formation, he drew it up as for battle.
[4] οὐδενός τ᾽ ἀντεπιόντος ἐκείνην μὲν τὴν ἡμέραν ἐπεῖχε, τῇ δ᾽ ἑξῆς ἐπὶ τὴν ἀποσκευὴν αὐτῶν ἦγεν οὐ σφόδρα ὀχυρὰν οὖσαν. μαθόντες δὲ πολιορκούμενον τὸν χάρακα οἱ προεξεληλυθότες ἐπὶ τὰς προνομὰς ταχέως ἧκον, πλὴν οὐχ ἅμα καὶ ἐν κόσμῳ, σποράδες δὲ καὶ κατ᾽ ὀλίγους ὡς ἕκαστοι εἶχον ἐπιφαινόμενοι: οἵ τ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος ἐπεὶ τοὺς σφετέρους προσιόντας ἐθεάσαντο, θρασύτεροι γεγονότες ἐξῆλθον ἀθρόοι.
Delphi Complete Works of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Illustrated) (Delphi Ancient Classics Book 79) Page 697