The Spanish threat was very real and could not be taken lightly by the colonists at Roanoke. The English were well aware of the stories of Spanish cruelties. Pedro Menéndez Marques, in fact, was the nephew of Pedro Menéndez de Avilés, who had demonstrated the kind of treatment non–Catholic heretics could expect at the hands of the Spanish: In 1564 René de Laudonnière sailed up the St. Johns River with three ships loaded with French Huguenots—Protestants—and started construction of Fort Caroline. The French fort was a potential threat to the Spanish treasure fleet, which sailed along La Florida’s coast en route to Spain. More importantly these settlers were Huguenots, heretics whose poisonous beliefs could not be allowed to spread among the natives in the new world.
On September 20, 1565, Pedro Menéndez de Avilés and a force of 500 soldiers from the garrison at St. Augustine assaulted the lightly defended Fort Caroline in the early morning hours during a fierce storm. About 140 of the French Huguenots were killed and their bodies piled in a heap on the bank of the St. Johns River. A number of prisoners were hanged from trees, but Menéndez spared the remaining women and infants. In the meantime Jean Ribault had just crossed the Atlantic with new settlers for Ft. Caroline, but was caught in a hurricane and his fleet was scattered and wrecked along Florida’s coast. Two groups of survivors headed north along the beach. Pedro Menéndez de Avilés met the first group of about 125 Frenchmen, who, expecting to be spared, surrendered to Pedro Menéndez de Avilés at an inlet south of St. Augustine on September 29. The Spaniards took the prisoners across the inlet in groups of ten and marched each group behind a dune out of sight of the others, and they were put to the sword. Twelve days later the second group of Frenchmen arrived at the inlet, where about 130, including Ribault, met the same fate. The inlet is still known today as Matanzas Inlet, the Spanish word for “slaughter.”
Although the massacres of the French Protestants happened much farther south and a decade earlier, the English settlement to the north represented the identical threats to the Spanish in 1587. The English settlement could be used as a base from which Spanish treasure ships were attacked, which was indeed a large part of the English motivation for colonization. The Spanish were even more worried about that possibility after Drake had successfully raided their colonial settlements, including St. Augustine, in 1586. And of course England’s break with the Catholic Church—the root cause of hostilities between England and Spain—would threaten to spread its heresy among the natives in the New World if an English settlement were to be established. In fact, “thinlargemente of the gospell of Christe,” as Hakluyt had written in his 1584 Discourse of Western Planting, was the first motivation he listed for colonization.
Moreover, Hakluyt’s claim that the English had the right to colonize the “parte of AMERICA from 30. degrees in Florida northewarde unto 63. degrees (which ys yet in no Christian princes actuall possession)” was little more than an exercise in wishful thinking. Spain’s original claim to “La Florida” extended to virtually all of North America, and the Spanish had been exploring the present-day Carolina and Virginia latitudes long before the English. Santa Elena had been established in 1566, and the Spanish were cognizant of the strategic importance of the Chesapeake Bay. In a 1565 letter to King Philip II, Pedro Menéndez de Avilés wrote that the Bahia de Santa Maria was, “the key to the defense of these lands.”28
In any event territorial boundaries had become irrelevant by 1587. After the beginning of the Anglo-Spanish War in 1585, England began raiding Spanish holdings in both America and Europe, and Spain was preparing to invade England. Fernandez and the colonists at Roanoke certainly knew this history, just as they would have been acutely aware that their settlement location must be kept hidden from the Spanish. The new and disturbing intelligence Fernandez learned in the Caribbean would have eliminated the possibility of landing the colony at the original destination, and it required a reassessment of potential locations. This was very likely the reason Fernandez made the decision to change the destination to Roanoke instead of the Chesapeake, and his decision may have saved the 1587 colony from certain discovery and possibly a similar fate as the one suffered by the French Huguenots. There was no other logical option. Roanoke, at least, was familiar territory for both White and Fernandez. The old settlement site and Lane’s fort were located there, and they expected to find Grenville’s small contingent waiting there as well. Most importantly, Roanoke was situated inside the barrier island chain and was shielded from Spanish ships patrolling the coast.
The evidence presented here has broader implications beyond the rehabilitation of Simon Fernandez. Much of the current theory regarding the relocation and ultimate fate of the Lost Colony hinges upon what was believed to be the negligent or villainous actions of Simon Fernandez during the summer of 1587. It has generally been assumed, for example, that White’s colony would have relocated to their original destination at the Chesapeake, using the pinnace and smaller boats that are known to have been in their possession. Since it is clear, however, that the Spanish knew of their intentions to settle at the Chesapeake and were actively searching for them there, the Chesapeake location would have become—and would have remained—a toxic choice for White’s colonists.
The activities of the colonists between July 22, the day they arrived at Roanoke, and August 27, when White departed for England, are fairly well documented: Toward evening on July 22 White and some of the colonists searched for the fifteen men whom Grenville had left the previous year, “but we found none of them, nor any signe that they had bene there, sauing onely wee found the bones of one of those fifteene, which the Sauages had slaine long before.”29 There is no way of knowing, of course, but the bones may not have been the remains of one of Grenville’s contingent, but rather one of the two unfortunate members of Lane’s colony who had been left behind during Drake’s evacuation. On the morning of the 23rd White and some of his colonists walked to the north end of Roanoke Island where Lane had built his fort in 1585. They found the settlement “ouergrowen with Melons of diuers sortes,” but most of the dwellings were still standing. White ordered that “euery man should be employed for the repayring of those houses … and also to make other new Cottages, for such as should neede.”30
As already mentioned, the flyboat commanded by Edward Spicer arrived with the rest of the colonists and supplies on July 25. Three days later George Howe, one of White’s twelve appointed Assistants, wandered some distance from the settlement to catch crabs where some Indians from the mainland “shot at him in the water, where they gaue him sixteen wounds with their arrowes: and after they had slaine him with their woodden swords, they beat his head in pieces, and fled ouer the water to the maine.”31 George Howe left behind a young son, George Howe, Jr.
On July 30 Captain Stafford and a party of twenty men along with the faithful Manteo went to Croatoan, home of Manteo and the friendly Croatoan tribe. They learned from the Croatoans that the contingent left by Grenville in 1586 had been attacked by a combined force of tribesmen from Aquascogoc, Secota, and Dasamonguepeuk and were driven from the island. At White’s behest the Croatoans agreed to invite the hostile tribal leaders to a conference to be held within seven days in an attempt at restoring peaceful relations. When none of the native leaders had arrived by August 8, White—perhaps urged on by one of his more aggressive Assistants—decided to destroy the village at Dasamonguepeuk, in revenge for the killing of George Howe ten days earlier.
In the very early morning hours of August 9 White, Stafford, Manteo, and twenty-four others attacked the village. As the assault began, the attackers learned to their dismay that the natives there were friendly Croatoans who had occupied Dasamonguepeuk after the hostile Indians had abandoned it shortly after the killing of George Howe. It took some explaining by White and Manteo, but the Croatoans were eventually convinced that the blame lay with the failure of the hostile native leaders to meet with White by the appointed time.
The next several days were occupied with happier occasions. O
n August 13 Manteo was baptized into the Church of England and installed as Lord of Roanoke and Dasamonguepeuk in reward for his faithful service. On August 18 White’s daughter Elyoner Dare, wife of Ananias Dare, gave birth to a daughter, the first English child born in America. The following Sunday she was christened “Virginia.”
By this time the supplies and stores for the colony had been unloaded and brought ashore, the old dwellings repaired and new ones built, and the colonists prepared letters to send back to England. On about August 21 a controversy arose over which of the Assistants should return to England as agent for the colony’s interests. Christopher Cooper, one of White’s Assistants, initially agreed to go, but he was dissuaded by his friends and changed his mind the next day, perhaps an indication that Cooper was considered a more useful asset to the colony than White. The Assistants and some of the other colonists, “the whole company” according to White, came to him with the plea that White himself be the one to return to England, another indication that his leadership abilities may have been in doubt.
White at first refused, citing the criticism he would receive back in England for abandoning his colony after persuading so many to take part in the venture. He also worried that in his absence the belongings he left behind would be spoiled or “pilfered away,” another indication that he may not have had the level of respect normally attributed to a governor. It was only after White was actually provided with a written bond on August 25, properly signed and sealed, certifying that he was entreated to leave against his will and guaranteeing his personal belongings, that he agreed to go.
At some time prior to White’s departure it was determined that the colonists would eventually seek a permanent settlement location somewhere on the mainland and that they would leave carved messages for White at Roanoke indicating where they had gone. As explained above, Chesapeake Bay would no longer have been a viable settlement option. Furthermore, since White clearly did not know where they planned to go, it seems likely that the Chesapeake had been eliminated from consideration.
On August 27, 1587, John White boarded the Lyon and departed from Roanoke Island, leaving behind 11932 men, women, and children, including his daughter Elyoner Dare and his nine-day-old granddaughter, Virginia Dare. He fully intended to acquire supplies and additional colonists for his expected return in the early summer of the following year.
4
Decisions at Roanoke
August 28–September 30, 1587
After John White sailed for England, deliberations would have proceeded in earnest among the principal Assistants regarding the colony’s settlement options. It is known that the colonists planned to relocate from Roanoke to the mainland, but, as mentioned, it is also clear that the location of the new settlement had not been resolved by August 27, when White departed. It was for this reason that, prior to his departure, the arrangement was made for the colonists to leave carved messages at Roanoke which would tell White where to look for them upon his expected return in the early summer of 1588.
Those carved messages left at Roanoke—“CRO” and “CROATOAN”—are the only indisputable primary source evidence we have from the Lost Colonists after August 27, 1587. They were clearly intended to direct John White to Croatoan, present-day Hatteras, upon his return the following year. As it turned out, of course, White did not return as planned, and the colonists’ carved messages would not be discovered until 1590, by which time the colony had disappeared.
The question of the resettlement location has long been debated, but it can at least be said with a fair amount of assurance that the 1587 colonists did not relocate to Croatoan, at least not initially. First and foremost we have the colonists’ known intention to settle somewhere on the mainland. Croatoan, as part of the barrier island chain, must therefore be eliminated as a settlement option. Furthermore, Croatoan’s location as part of the Outer Banks would have been far more vulnerable to Spanish discovery and attack. As already seen, the Spanish were actively searching for the English colony at this time, and the colonists were well aware of the threat they posed. Also, the mainland would provide much better agricultural opportunities than Croatoan for what was expected to be a growing, self-sustaining colony. We know, for example, that when “On the thirtieth of Iuly Master Stafford and twenty of our men passed by water to the Island of Croatoan, … some of them came vnto vs, embracing and entertaining vs friendly, desiring vs not to gather or spill any of their corne, for that they had but little.”1 By the end of July the corn crop would normally be plentiful, another indication that Croatoan would not have been a viable option for a large agriculture-based colony.
Finally, archaeological excavations at Croatoan to date support the conclusion that the colony did not relocate there. Because of the inscriptions left at Roanoke by the Lost Colonists, an extensive amount of archaeological attention has been directed at Hatteras Island, some of which was conducted and funded by the Lost Colony Research Group. Although a number of early European artifacts such as iron spikes, copper farthings, brass fragments, a snaphaunce (gunlock), gun flints, and pottery shards have been recovered, the origin and age of these findings remain uncertain. Shipwrecks alone could account for some. The artifacts do demonstrate that Hatteras Island was a contact site, but it was already known from the Roanoke accounts that Croatoan was visited by the English on a number of occasions between 1585 and 1587, sometimes for a period of weeks. There was also an English presence at Croatoan/Hatteras in the 17th century. The fact remains that no evidence has been discovered which link these artifacts directly to the Lost Colony.2
Perhaps the most dramatic discovery at Hatteras was a gold signet ring found by David Phelps, archaeologist at East Carolina University. The ring was alleged to bear the Kendall family crest and therefore thought to have belonged to “Master Kendall.” The Kendall connection itself is disputed, but—even if accurate—“Master Kendall” was listed among “The names of those as well Gentlemen as others, that remained one whole yeere in Virginia, vnder the Gouernement of Master Ralph Lane.” He was not a member of White’s 1587 colony. In the final analysis no archaeological evidence of a large and permanent 16th century English settlement has been found at Hatteras/Croatoan.
Croatoan could not have been the colonists’ choice for a permanent settlement location, but it would have been a logical place to position a small outpost to wait for White’s expected return the following summer. The chosen settlement location on the mainland may not have had an established name or one recognized by the English, but Croatoan was very well known to White and the colonists and was home to Manteo’s friendly tribe. From a strategic standpoint Croatoan’s position on the Outer Banks may have been en route from Roanoke to the permanent settlement location on the mainland, which might reasonably place it across Pamlico Sound to the west or southwest of Croatoan. The messages left by the colony would have sent White to Croatoan, about fifty miles south of Roanoke, where he—along with the supplies and new colonists—could then have been guided to the nearby mainland settlement site.
Three of the prominent theories of the past several decades place the mainland settlement location either at the Chesapeake Bay to the north, at Weapemeoc bordering Albemarle Sound to the north and northwest, or somewhere near the Chowan River across Albemarle Sound far to the west of Roanoke. These theories also generally hold that the colonists left Roanoke almost immediately after White’s departure on August 27. All of these hypotheses, however, have their roots in the problematic Fernandez-as-villain scenario, the first of the four institutionalized assumptions, which has been addressed in the preceding chapter.
The most eminent proponent of the Chesapeake theory was the previously mentioned historian David Beers Quinn, who was convinced that most if not all of the 1587 colonists, having been stranded at Roanoke by the villainous Simon Fernandez, would have logically relocated to their originally intended destination, the Chesapeake Bay, at the earliest opportunity. Quinn proposed that the colonists would have accomplished t
hat relocation in September.3 As already demonstrated, however, Fernandez had very likely aborted the Chesapeake settlement location because the Spanish not only knew of the English plans to settle there, but were actively searching for them. Consequently, the Chesapeake would have become an unlikely settlement option.
Furthermore, if White and his colonists had thought a move to the original location at the Chesapeake was a foregone conclusion, as Quinn suggested, the plan to relocate there would have been settled long before White departed for England on August 27. On the contrary, however, the new settlement location was not known, making it necessary to leave carved messages for White telling him where to look for them upon his return. As mentioned, such an arrangement would suggest that the colonists had already eliminated the Chesapeake as a viable settlement option.
The “Weapemeoc theory,” promoted by Quinn’s contemporary Thomas C. Parramore, claimed that “the colonists were already prepared, when John White left them, to move from Roanoke Island across Albemarle Sound to Weapemeoc.”4 The colonists chose the territory of the Weapemeoc tribe, he asserted, because “they were the only friendly mainland Indians within fifty miles of Roanoke Island.” Furthermore, he continued, the colonists moved to Weapemeoc “within days or, at most, scant weeks after White left….”5 There are several problems with this theory. As with the Chesapeake theory, if the decision had already been made and the colonists were “already prepared” to move to Weapemeoc by the time White left, the carved message system would have been unnecessary. Once again, the message system was required precisely because the mainland location had not been selected by the time White left.
The Lost Colony of Roanoke Page 6