Young William James Thinking

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Young William James Thinking Page 19

by Paul J Croce


  medicine was so strong that even its thread of connection to the main-

  stream through therapeutic skepticism did not foster greater ac cep tance of

  the unorthodox. 34

  By the 1840s, therapeutic stimulants, including strong alcohol, had re-

  placed many of the depletive remedies, but the earlier “heroic” treatments

  continued to be used for de cades. In retrospect, the therapies appear grossly

  unhealthful, with many cures being worse than the diseases, and with only

  occasional therapeutic value, but the retrospective view tends to emphasize

  the worst cases. The differences between the regulars and many sectarians

  were not as great as they would become by the twentieth century. Both

  types of doctors believed that ill health came from imbalances in the body,

  with evaluation of its symptoms and secretions the only way to gain in-

  sights to its inner workings. The doctor’s next job was to take action— often

  with mineral or herbal remedies—to correct those imbalances. Moreover,

  although the sectarians tended to put more emphasis on preventive medi-

  cine, many in the mainstream were also very ready to recommend the role

  of diet, exercise, and lifestyle to maintain health. 35

  102  Young William James Thinking

  The recognition of the limits of mainstream medicine, especially with its

  aggressive therapies, was a major spur for many young doctors to go to

  Paris to enlist clinical observation into the quest for improved treatment.

  Ironically, this deeper immersion in the science of medicine led not to more

  aggressive therapies, but simply to reduced action. The French clinical ap-

  proaches, which were sometimes called ex pec tant medicine because of the

  hopeful expectations that nature would bring better health, actually rein-

  forced skepticism about destructive heroic treatment. This gave backhanded

  support to the irregulars who had been criticizing aggressive therapies all

  along and now found scientific support for their critique. Yet this hardly

  enabled any alliance since the doctors returning from Eu rope, who were in-

  spired by scientific analy sis to deepen their understanding of diagnoses,

  did not approve of the irregulars. The mainstream, in the same spirit that fueled

  du Bois- Reymond’s hope to find physical and chemical explanations, insisted

  that continued scientific investigation would eventually issue in effective regu-

  lar therapies that would fi nally discredit the nonscientific alternatives.

  Until regular medicine could make a stronger case for its therapies, the

  sects did particularly well. Despite their diversity, they were united by their

  common attention to the whole person, mind and body in interaction, with

  each as a manifestation of the elusive but very real fact of being alive. This

  energetic vigor, which homeopaths called the vital force, was the center of

  health, and this was what became compromised in ill health. The sectarians

  largely operated in the tradition of vitalism, which was becoming increas-

  ingly discredited by the materialist arguments of modern science. Sectari-

  ans maintained that the distinctive vitality of life animated the physical

  stuff of matter and yet was not wholly separate from matter; therefore, ill

  health was not simply an affliction of the body but an expression of some

  distortion of the vital force, manifesting not only in the body but also in

  emotional, intellectual, or spiritual states. Improved health would come

  from correcting that distortion, allowing the person to experience greater

  energy, and this change would heal the body effectively as a byproduct of

  increased vitality. Sectarians viewed the healer as a mere facilitator of this

  pro cess, with the application of remedies, varying from plant extracts to

  soothing baths to homeopathic remedies, helping the patient’s own healing

  power. This strand of thought provided a metaphysical explanation for

  what was commonly called, by supporters and critics, letting nature take its

  course. Sectarians wore that critique with pride: reliance on nature? In-

  deed, reliance on nature so robust. To sectarians, nature was no mere inert

  Between Scientific and Sectarian Medicine   103

  stuff but full of vital power. 36 The sectarian withholding of harsh medical

  treatment offered a chance for patients to enlist— with the support of sec-

  tarian prac ti tion ers— their own deep but untapped capacities, their own

  part of nature’s power.

  Guided by an emphasis on living vitality, sectarians approached each in-

  dividual case for assessment of the many layers of immaterial and material

  dimensions, always interacting, in order to identify that person’s constitu-

  tional type, with symptoms appearing as expressions of a general picture of

  that whole person. By contrast, the regulars, with their emphasis on mate-

  rial solutions for medical prob lems, attended more directly to par tic u lar

  symptoms, and therefore their focus was on the ills of par tic u lar places in

  the body rather than the framework of the whole person. A wide range of

  sectarian prac ti tion ers resisted the regulars’ hope for materialistic solu-

  tions to medical prob lems, which in turn prompted the regulars to accuse

  the sectarians of being unscientific because they could not offer empirical

  explanations of their cures at the physical sites of ill health. Ironically, how-

  ever, mainstream doctors also called their less scientific rivals “empirics”

  because, without scientific explanations, sectarians based their therapies

  on the accumulated facts of previous healing experiences— a “senseless em-

  piricism” in the scornful charge of most mainstream prac ti tion ers.37 But to

  James, that empirical openness to experience, especially lived facts not yet

  pro cessed by mainstream professional analy sis, and experience beyond (or

  perhaps deeply within) physical and chemical facts suggested the very sig-

  nificance of alternative therapies.

  Broader cultural and po liti cal forces further contributed to the strength

  of health care outside the mainstream. During the American 1820s to 1850s,

  a power ful demo cratic impulse, often symbolized by Andrew Jackson, de-

  fied special privileges of all kinds. The prickly defiance of elite status and

  the expectations for equality (if only among white males) spilled over into

  skepticism about claims to special knowledge or professional authority. The

  proliferation of folk remedies provided a tangible expression of this impulse

  in the relative simplicity of these systems, which could be understood by

  any citizen who could read. While regular physicians were proud of their

  scientific knowledge, the irregulars could easily tar them for claiming spe-

  cial distinction. In this context, the regulars operated as one sect among

  others in a medical marketplace largely free of special status beyond the

  ability to gain patients. Because of this, the unorthodox were very effective

  at persuading legislators to overturn licensing laws or to prevent new laws

  104  Young William James Thinking

  that would have restricted medicine to the practices of elites. Like Jack-

  son’s objections to a national bank, the movem
ent against medical regu-

  lation expressed the widespread antagonism to concentrated monopolies

  of power or privilege that characterized these years. In the face of this

  scorn, regular physicians steadily accumulated anatomical and pathological

  knowledge of health and disease and, to encourage fidelity to scientific

  medicine in practice and in the education of new physicians, formed nu-

  merous state and local medical socie ties. In fact, the prior founding of

  sectarian medical socie ties was the most immediate spur to the founding

  of the national American Medical Association toward the end of this pe-

  riod, in 1847. Harvard was a haven for regular medicine and its supporting

  sciences, but the irregulars abounded throughout the country, especially in

  New England.

  On the least scientific end of the spectrum was mind cure, which did not

  even use medicines to cure. From the mainstream point of view, this ap-

  proach included a radical application of the nature- trusting heresy, or actu-

  ally a trust in nature as understood to be controlled by mental and spiritual

  powers. Its advocates believed in the mind’s power to shape beliefs, and

  those beliefs would, in turn, shape a patient’s symptoms; health conditions

  emerged, therefore, as manifestations of the mind’s influence. Phineas Quim-

  by, who developed mind cure, was so thoroughly committed to the real ity

  of spirit that he thought of the mind as spiritual matter, the substance with

  the most palpable influence; by contrast, physical things were the insub-

  stantial parts of the universe— much in the spirit of the elder James. From

  the insights of Quimby’s own experience with self- healing and the influ-

  ence of other romantic ideas of health and spirituality, including Sweden-

  borgianism, the mind cure movement became the basis for Mary Baker

  Eddy’s Christian Science. Because of mind cure’s message about the healing

  power of hopefulness, James included it as a central example of his “reli-

  gion of healthy- mindedness” in the Va ri e ties (1902), and he also frequently

  visited mind cure prac ti tion ers. 38

  Most popu lar sectarian prac ti tion ers, however, readily used medicines,

  but of these, botanics or “Indian doctors” were the least professionally ori-

  ented in their use of vari ous folk and herbal remedies based on traditions from

  African, Eu ro pean, and native cultures. Samuel Thomson systematized some

  of the folk practices of these “root and herb doctors” using his understanding

  of the ancient theory of humors. A major premise of Thomsonianism was

  that cold was a cause of disease and heat was its cure; and so Thomson

  Between Scientific and Sectarian Medicine   105

  wrote guides for home use of plant preparations, especially for use of cayenne

  pepper to heat up the body. To this, he added herbal supplements that would

  improve digestion often by first inducing vomiting— such emetics were

  certainly uncomfortable, but they would surely expel many prob lem

  substances. 39

  Water cure was among the more popu lar therapies, including with the

  James family; also known as hydropathy or hydrotherapy, this healing sys-

  tem used water in multiple variations including drinking, immersion, and

  wraps at diff er ent temperatures. With such apparent simplicity in materials

  and practice, water cure could be used at home, but it was applied with

  more sophistication at established “cures.” These practices overlapped with

  the vegetarian reform Grahamism, the temperance crusade, physical cul-

  ture, and other widely popu lar “body reforms” of diet and everyday life, es-

  pecially in the Northern states and among the more prosperous, including

  the Jameses. Hydropaths also sought to improve health through preventive

  mea sures and better hygiene, which would improve the general health behind

  any par tic u lar health prob lem. These sectarian movements supplied many

  of the ideas and activists for the rise of public health mea sures during and

  after the Civil War, including the Sanitary Commission. In addition, hydro-

  paths regarded their health mea sures as prescriptions for the whole person,

  with the body as physical expression of mind and spirit. These strands of

  medical practice also veered into philosophical advice, alternative social

  practices, and religious reform.40

  The bound aries of what constituted science were still elastic and con-

  tested, with the very term scientist recently coined by British phi los o pher

  William Whewell in 1834 to identify those working in specialized research

  as opposed to those involved in speculation, who remained mired in “empty

  abstraction and barren ingenuity.” However, a more inclusive definition of

  science endured as breadth of knowledge; advocates of science in associa-

  tion with the learned and wise found support in the widespread spirit of

  harmony between science and religion before the late nineteenth century.

  Both regular and sectarian medical prac ti tion ers claimed to be not only

  empirical but also scientific. While the specialized research of clinic and

  laboratory set regular medicine on a path toward what would become pro-

  fessional science, sectarians could claim empiricism in the tangible experi-

  ences of individuals reaping benefits from their work.41

  The most institutionally or ga nized and intellectually elaborate alterna-

  tive medicine of the time was homeopathy. The German doctor, Samuel

  106  Young William James Thinking

  Hahnemann, presented his laws of cure when experimenting with quinine

  in the 1780s. Naturally occurring in the bark of the South American quin-

  quina tree, quinine had been known for more than a hundred years as a

  cure for malaria. Hahnemann observed that when a person in full health

  took a dose of quinine, it temporarily produced intermittent fevers similar

  to those of malaria, often called “intermittent fever.” From this and similar

  experiments on a wide range of natu ral substances in varying amounts, he

  made his first medical proposal, the law of similars. Sometimes expressed

  with the phrase “like cures like” (hence the name of his medical system:

  originally spelled homoeopathy, from the words for “same suffering”), this

  proposition was that, as in the case of quinine, substances similar to the

  disease itself, ones that produce its symptoms, also help the body recover

  from that disease. Similars work for healing, Hahnemann maintained, because

  of correspondences between individual constitutions and specific natu ral

  substances, which, if well chosen, resonate with the patient’s own constitu-

  tional state as a whole, thus supporting the person’s natu ral healing powers.

  He began his search for remedies with the medicines of his day, and he and

  succeeding homeopaths added a wide range of other remedies. These sub-

  stances were often toxic at full dose because, after all, he was looking for

  things similar to the illnesses themselves; but he also needed, of course, a

  way to deal with their full- dose toxicity.42

  Early in his experimentation, when Hahnemann gave himself increas-

  ingly smaller doses of the quinine, he found that
the remedy- producing ef-

  fects increased. He “potentized” the remedies by systematically reducing

  the original concentrations and agitating the results. He called his experi-

  ments provings from the German word for “testing” because he would care-

  fully test, in minute detail, the effects of remedies, which often prompted

  “aggravations” of symptoms before improvement; this was a temporary

  stage in the recovery from the health prob lem, and even a welcome step.

  This empirical methodology gave homeopathy a scientific air, and it briefly

  gained a reputation for being more scientific than regular medicine. But the

  proposition about smaller amounts of the remedy substance making for

  more healing power was more difficult to grasp. This proposition, about the

  high potency of infinitesimal doses, was the basis of his second law at the

  heart of homeopathic theory. These laws of homeopathy defied materialis-

  tic thinking and countered common sense, even as its naturalistic and

  empirical thinking could make claims to science. Hahnemann presented a

  Between Scientific and Sectarian Medicine   107

  third law of cure: one remedy was to be administered at one time; a well-

  chosen single remedy would address the patient’s whole constitution, up-

  lifting health in general, including any current acute symptom. As with

  most alternative healing, the improvement in the acute condition would

  emerge as a side effect of the whole person’s rise in health— hence the word

  holistic. From its introduction to the United States in 1825 to the 1880s, ho-

  meopathy met stern re sis tance from the scientific mainstream, yet it main-

  tained a wide following because of its preventive focus in association with

  healthy living, its use of natu ral substances and treatment of the whole per-

  son, its sheer avoidance of harsh remedies, and its ability to be understood

  in relation to predominant nineteenth- century cultural trends for social

  reform and expected harmony of science and religion. Countless patients,

  including James and his family, used homeopathy for maintaining and im-

  proving heath.

  Homeopaths presented an inversion of mainstream thinking in emphasiz-

  ing the degree of strength of the patient instead of the severity of the illness.

 

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