by Dale Brown
“Mr. President, I’ve spoken with representatives of the Chinese government,” Martindale went on. “They’re worried about what you intend to do with those warheads. The stockpiles must be enormous — while North Korea’s chemical and biological warfare capability was well documented, we now realize that their nuclear capability was equal to or even greater than what we ever anticipated.”
Still, Kwon said nothing. He stared directly at the camera, hands folded, a slight benign smile on his face, as if waiting for the punch line to a joke.
“President Kwon? Can you hear me, sir?
“Of course, Mr. President,” Kwon responded.
“I ask you, sir — what do you intend to do with the special weapons you have?”
* * *
At the Blue House in Seoul, United Republic of Korea, President Kwon sat with his national security advisers, all out of videoconference camera range: Defense Minister Kim Kun-mo, a retired Army general; Prime Minister Lee Kyong-sik; Foreign Affairs Minister Kang No-myong; Director for National Security Planning Lee Ung-pae; and Chief of the General Staff General An Ki-sok. Kwon looked at each of them, searching for some indication of what he should say to the President of the United States. Finally, he said, “Please forgive me, Mr. President. I must confer with my aides,” and put the videoconference call to Washington on hold without waiting for a response.
“So,” he said to his advisers. “The question has been asked, as we feared it would be. Your thoughts, please?”
“Do the Americans deserve an answer?” General Kim asked angrily. “They sound to me as though they are accusing us of some duplicity. How dare they?”
“In case you have forgotten, General, the United States protected South Korea for two generations,” President Kwon retorted. “They spilled the blood of their children on our soil less than ten years after fighting a terrible world war that eventually defeated our Japanese oppressors. They risked nuclear devastation to keep South Korea free and democratic. I think they deserve to know.”
“Sir, it is as you have said in the past: they did this in their own self-interest. The Americans, like the Chinese and Russians in the North, used Korea as a way to intimidate their superpower enemies, not to protect us,” Kim replied. “You know as well as I that Washington would have never agreed to your plan to reunite the peninsula. We were forced to do it on our own because of American intransigence. And now they want to take our hard-won weapons away? I say no!”
President Kwon was accustomed to his defense minister’s strident tone, although it troubled him. He looked around the conference table. “Your opinions, gentlemen?”
“I disagree with Minister Kim, sir,” Foreign Minister Kang said rather nervously. “Retaining those weapons will only harm our relations overseas. We will be seen as a nuclear wild card, like Israel or Iran. That will not be good for our cause.”
“I agree with Minister Kim,” General An said. No surprise there, Kwon thought. Although in this room he was considered an equal in rank and status, An needed Kim’s endorsement to move up the ladder and become the next minister of defense when the general retired, so he usually sided with Kim on policy questions. “We should deal with China and the rest of the world from a position of strength, not weakness. Although I agree that the United States has been a trusted friend and ally to us, they do not have the right to dictate terms to us.”
“I am sorry to put the monkey on your back, sir,” Prime Minister Lee said with a wry smile, “but I disagree with Kim. We should not keep any weapons of mass destruction. I do not think we have anything to fear from China unless we keep those weapons.”
General Kim could sense that the tide was turning away from him, so he said, “I certainly see their point, sir. Maintaining a nuclear weapons deterrent will undoubtedly cast our new nation in a different and disturbing light. But I truly feel it is our best and perhaps our only deterrent to Chinese aggression.
“Consider this, sir: We use those weapons not as devices for mass destruction, but as bargaining chips. We force China to agree to stop harboring Kim Jong-il or supporting his government-in-exile in exchange for removing those weapons. Or we remove the weapons in exchange for a disarming of our border with China — an equal number of troops within three hundred kilometers of the border on both sides. Or both. But we should not even hint that we are willing simply to hand over the weapons to anyone, not even the United States.”
“I think that is a very good tactic to pursue,” Prime Minister Lee said quickly, thankful that an option presented itself that would avoid directly opposing the powerful retired general.
President Kwon thought for a moment, then nodded. “Thank you, gentlemen, for your thoughts. You are all indeed true patriots.” He pushed the HOLD button on his phone and resumed his videoconference call with the President of the United States.
* * *
“What is it that concerns you, President Martindale?” Kwon asked when his image reappeared on the videophone screen. “What is it that concerns President Jiang?”
“What concerns us?” The President stared at Kwon in surprise. “President Kwon, it is well known that the People’s Republic of China views the existence of weapons of mass destruction at or even near its borders as a threat to its national security and sovereignty. The United States and the former Republic of Korea have honored China’s concern and have not stationed any nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons on the Korean peninsula for over twenty years. If you keep these confiscated weapons, China will certainly view it as a threat.”
“President Martindale,” Kwon said, “it is incongruous in the extreme to let such a notion concern you.”
“What? Why do you say that?”
“In the light of our recent discoveries, sir, it is apparent that weapons of mass destruction have been placed on Korean soil for many years,” Kwon said. “The world knew about North Korea’s chemical and biological weapons, and now we see that a great many thermonuclear weapons were based here too. Why then should we be concerned if China is upset that we now possess the very weapons that they in all likelihood placed on Korean soil in the first place?”
“The difference is, sir, that North Korea and most certainly China jointly controlled those weapons, and now they don’t,” Martindale said. “I understand what you are saying, Mr. President. But the cold hard fact is that China is upset that you are capturing these weapons and have not declared your intention as to their disposition. China has thankfully stayed out of this incident because they recognized, as did the world, that this was an internal struggle. When the pro-democracy forces won and it was apparent that the former North Korean citizens were being welcomed and integrated into the new United Korea, China was careful not to interfere and cooperated in a timely manner with a complete military troop withdrawal.”
“We have done all that we promised,” Kwon said. “We are one people. Nothing can deny that.”
“President Kwon, I am not sure you understand. If China thinks it a possibility that you might point those nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons at them, they may not be so cooperative,” Martindale warned the Korean president. “In fact, they might get downright upset. They have almost a quarter of a million troops sitting on your northern border right now, and another quarter million within seven days’ march.
“You must declare your intentions, sir. My recommendation to you is to agree to turn over all those confiscated special weapons to the United Nations Nuclear Disarmament Agency. The United States will pay all costs of transporting, dismantling, incineration, disposal, or secure storage of the weapons. We can announce the action at a joint news conference, and this time I’ll be sure that President Jiang of China himself is there to endorse and support it. You can declare the Korean peninsula a certified weapons-of-mass-destruction-free zone and challenge China to turn Asia into a WMD-free continent.”
Kwon Ki-chae sat back in his chair, a move that startled Martindale and Hale. It was an extraordinarily casual gesture in a
man who was normally extremely conscious of appearances. “I very much appreciate your concern and thoughts on this subject, Mr. President,” he said. “I am of course in full agreement with your sentiments. A WMD-free Asia would be in the best interests of everyone in the world.”
Martindale smiled, although a knot was forming in his stomach. He was afraid Kwon was about to let the other shoe drop.
“However, I think it would be best if we kept these weapons for the time being,” he said, sitting up straight again, his tone and mannerisms now grave. “We believe it would be a more persuasive show of sincerity and unanimity if President Jiang joined me in turning over all of his weapons of mass destruction to the United Nations.”
“Are you… serious?” Martindale blurted out. “Are you saying you will not turn over any warheads unless China agrees to turn over its warheads at the same time? Mr. President, do you seriously believe that’s ever going to happen?”
“Apparently you do not believe it,” Kwon replied. “But why is this so hard to believe, sir? Where is the threat? Certainly not from the United States, correct? Russia has not the capacity for war, and certainly not against a powerful neighbor. Let us all agree to lay down our weapons together in a total show of a lasting commitment for peace. What a glorious way to begin the new millennium.”
“Mr. President…” Kevin Martindale forced himself to control his rising anger and frustration. “Mr. President, please reconsider. The threat potentially facing Korea is very, very serious. If China perceives you as a threat, they may launch a preemptive attack against Seoul and against all of your military installations, North and South. The death and destruction could be enormous. China has certainly shown in recent years that it will react harshly and quickly to any threat to its security and regional hegemony. I believe you have an opportunity to be a world leader in the pursuit of peace and global nuclear disarmament. Please reconsider your position.”
“I will attempt to state United Republic of Korea’s position as plainly as I can,” Kwon said sternly, leaning toward the camera. “Our republic faced imminent destruction for almost fifty years. We endured two generations of schizophrenia and paranoia, brothers torn apart by a world that saw Korea as nothing more than spoils of war to be divided up like bits of clothing and equipment taken from the bodies of the dead on the battlefield.
“For decades, both North and South were forced to accept foreign powers on our soil. We were led to believe these powers were there to protect us from ourselves. We now know that they were really there to provide a forward presence for themselves, to act as a deterrent in their own selfish interests. Neither China, the United States, nor Russia cared about the Korean people. All you cared about was the military and geopolitical advantages that stationing troops on our soil, near your potential adversaries, could provide. You were protecting no one else but yourselves. No more.
“I will introduce an emergency bill in our new legislature, authorizing the Korean military to keep and control all military weapons and devices, including weapons of mass destruction,” Kwon said. “It will authorize the establishment of a positive control system, supervised by the president and the minister of defense. It will authorize training, maintenance, and deployment of all types of weapons now on Korean soil. And it will authorize that these weapons be deployed against whatever power threatens the peace, security, and sovereignty of United Korea.”
Kwon waited to let his words sink in, then went on: “With all due respect, Mr. Martindale, I was not able to believe you when you showed concern for Korea and expressed your hope that we would help contribute to world peace by turning over our weapons of mass destruction. You hoped we would do so because you asked us to. You hope that we will do so now because then you can save face before the Chinese government. Although we no longer look to the United States for our protection, the Chinese still believe we look to you for guidance and support — they believe we are still American puppets. You were hoping this was true. It is not.
“The weapons we have confiscated will stay in Korea until such time as we feel they are not necessary to secure our citizens, our borders, our government, and our way of life. I sincerely hope all such weapons can be destroyed around the world. But we must do it together.Until then, we will look to ourselves for our security.”
“President Kwon, I think you’re making a big mistake,” President Martindale said. “China… no, the world will react negatively to the news that Korea has decided to keep perhaps several hundred WMDs. You will undo all the great things you have accomplished in the past several weeks.”
“Was France ostracized and in danger of attack from Russia or the United States because it broke away from NATO and decided to control the fate of its own nuclear weapons?” Kwon asked. “Did the United States dismantle its nuclear arsenal because the Soviet Union was upset about you aiming ten thousand nuclear warheads at its cities? We will not willingly surrender any weapon in the hope that belligerent nations will follow suit and lay down their weapons too. That is a typical American folly that Korea will not repeat.
“I hope you are wrong, Mr. Martindale,” Kwon went on. “I hope China sees us as a stabilizing influence in Asia and not a destabilizing one. But it does not matter what they think. Korea will use all the resources available to it to defend its borders, its government, and its people. If it means war with China — well, many have said such a war was inevitable, that two such ideologically opposed nations can never coexist or even peacefully share a border. China has dominated Korea in the past, and if history shows us anything, it is that it may happen again. But this time we are united. Any who wish to attack or invade will find a stronger, more determined Korea standing in their way.”
“President Kwon, please, let me meet with you as soon as possible,” President Martindale said. “In Tokyo, in Singapore, in Manila, in Paris — anywhere you wish. We must sit down face-to-face and talk more.”
“I am very sorry, Mr. Martindale,” Kwon said, “but I have a fledgling country to run — and a military to organize. If China is indeed a threat to us, as you say, we must prepare. Good day to you, sir.” And the video-conference connection went dead.
Martindale was exhausted, physically and emotionally, when he dropped the receiver back on its cradle. He shook his head and massaged his aching temples. “You were right, Ellen,” he told the others in the Oval Office. “They aren’t going to give up the weapons. He sees them as his best opportunity to hold off another invasion by China. Kwon must be crazy to think he can stop China.”
“Kwon is not crazy, not by a long shot,” Vice President Whiting said seriously. “He is like a grand chess master, which in reality I believe he is: he can see six moves ahead, and he is dogged in his determination. He has infinite patience and a simple, clear, concise set of objectives — the creation of a united Korean nation. If keeping hundreds of WMDs will help him achieve that, he’ll do it.”
“I can certainly see his point,” General Freeman said. “He knows that China can march right in and take Korea at any time if they choose to do so. Having a WMD arsenal, with missiles powerful enough to hold Beijing itself at risk, is the only way they can hope to deter China.”
“But if China was going to invade, they could have done it a long time ago.”
“Not with American troops stationed there,” Freeman pointed out. “We were only a trip-wire force there, true, but it was an effective trip wire. Our little forty-thousand-troop force successfully held hundreds of thousands of Chinese soldiers at bay for forty years — backed up by our nuclear deterrent, of course. The only time we ever felt threatened by the Chinese is when we started to draw down our strategic forces to the point where China believed it could withstand an American retaliation. They took a shot at subduing Taiwan, and only by stepping in with substantial firepower did they back off.”
“And now, with Korea?”
“It’s déjà vu all over again — except China might have the public opinion advantage in this one,” Free
man replied. “You are absolutely correct, sir — if Korea keeps those weapons, they’ll be perceived as the antagonizers, perhaps even as the aggressors. It is as if Cuba suddenly acquired a tremendous nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons arsenal and then dared us to ignore the fact — the world would condemn Cuba. China can claim it is a destabilizing event. The world will not only be horrified to learn that North Korea had a nuclear arsenal greater than most any other non-superpower nation on earth, but that now United Korea has those weapons. China must respond to this development.”
“How?”
“They might increase the number of troops on the border and in the region, increase the throw weight of missiles and artillery aimed at Korea — all peaceful, all on their side of the line, and all fully justifiable,” Freeman went on. “This could continue for months, even years. The world could be on the razor’s edge for an indefinite period of time, even with continuous and strenuous negotiations going on. But worse: if something happens — an accident, an error, a skirmish — all hell could break loose in the blink of an eye. We destroyed China’s intercontinental ballistic missile fleet in 1997 during the Taiwan conflict, but we didn’t put much of a dent in their medium-or short-range ballistic missile arsenal. Most of it is intact, and it’s potent.”
“And Korea no longer has all of the Patriot antiaircraft and antimissile systems it had just one month ago,” Ellen Whiting pointed out. “We took most of those systems home with us when our troops left, didn’t we?”
“Yes. Less than a third of the thirty Patriot batteries are still there,” Freeman said. “Each battery has three launchers, one radar, and six reload canisters. That’s about forty shots against aircraft — Patriots always fire in two-round salvos — and less than twenty shots against tactical ballistic missiles. This means one attack could deplete their antiaircraft and antimissile capabilities. Plus, Kwon has to face the idea of dispersing those ten batteries throughout the entire peninsula, not just the South. Thirty batteries located in South Korea protected the nation very well against just about any airborne threat — but ten batteries spread out over the entire peninsula will be stretching it pretty thin.”