by Dale Brown
“What are you talking about, Kim?”
“A subatomic or chemical weapons attack against Chinese troops, sir,” he said ominously. “Precisely what these weapons were designed for, exactly why North Korea had them in their inventory — to wipe us out without destroying our cities, our factories, our military or civil infrastructure. We have no choice, sir. If we lose Chagang Do province and all of its military facilities to the Chinese and to the Communist rebels, we will eventually lose our cities to attack.”
“I am not convinced an attack like this is necessary, General.”
“I believe it is necessary now more than ever, sir,” Kim said emphatically. “We were not sure if the Chinese had launched an attack against Seoul and Pusan — this time we’re sure the Chinese have invaded. They’ve attacked our aircraft and overrun our army outposts, and they are apparently trying to capture our weapons research facilities. We cannot allow that! We need to keep those facilities intact. The only way to do it is to use special weapons.
“The effects of both a chemical weapons and a neutron weapons attack will be confined to a very small area,” Kim went on. “Vx nerve gas is potent but nonpersistent, meaning our forces can safely move in within days of the attack; the chemical disperses when exposed to wind or moisture, so danger to surrounding areas is minimal. The subatomic weapons create great destruction within a few hundred meters of ground zero, but virtually no destruction outside that radius. They kill within two miles of the blast and injure within four miles, while leaving our facilities intact. We can—”
“I do not believe we are even discussing this!” President Kwon shouted. “This is insanity! This is foolishness!”
“Sir, the Chinese knew the risks when they staged this invasion,” Kim said. “If we do not respond immediately with overwhelming force, we stand the risk of losing our weapons facilities, Chagang Do province entirely, and perhaps our entire nation to the Chinese. What will you do, sir?”
President Kim hesitated. “Is there any word from our forces in Kanggye?” he asked. “Have they been captured? Killed? What is the extent of the Chinese incursion?”
“There is still no word from Kanggye, sir,” Kim said, “only reports of massive numbers of Chinese armored forces heading south from all across the frontier. The longer we wait, sir, the harder it will be to uproot those troops.”
Kim heard Kwon loudly swear to himself and pound on his desk as he tried to sort out the jumble of fears and emotions swirling inside. The attack on Pusan had forced him to agree to a massive bombardment of Chinese forces near Changbai — but this was different, completely different.
“I… I must consider this,” Kwon said uneasily. “I must have more information. Call me as soon as you know more about the status of our forces near Kanggye and more precise numbers of Chinese troops in Chagang Do province.” He hung up before Kim could say anything else.
“Damned coward!” Kim swore as he slammed the receiver down. “We took such enormous risks in reuniting the peninsula, we have the power to hold it or punish any who try to take it from us — but now Kwon grows weary and afraid. What a time to grow chicken feathers.” He got up from his desk and started to pace. “If Kwon allows the Chinese People’s Liberation Army to gain a toehold in Chagang Do province,” he said to General An, “with American military forces all but gone, it would only be a matter of time before they would control the entire peninsula.”
“Doesn’t he realize how precarious a position we are in right now?” An asked rhetorically. “Those two aborted missile launches we saw last night, the unconfirmed report of a bomber over central Korea, and now fighters and armor south of the border — the Chinese are undoubtedly beginning an invasion campaign.” He looked at Kim and said, “Sir, I think it would be worthwhile to pay a visit to the prime minister and the minister of foreign affairs. Perhaps we can convince them how necessary it is to act right away.”
Kim stopped pacing and looked searchingly at General An. “Interesting,” he said after a moment’s careful pause. “And what if they agree with us, General? What if they feel as we do that a massive response is necessary?”
“Then… then we should act, sir,” An replied. His words were straightforward but noncommittal — but his eyes spoke much more strongly, more forcefully. “We should do whatever is necessary to protect the republic.”
“And what of President Kwon?”
“The president is a true patriot, a true visionary, the embodiment of the spirit of the Korean people,” An said. “I bear no malice toward the man who has engineered the revolution and led the long-awaited reunification. But if he does not have the stomach for battle, he should be willing to step aside and let the warriors decide the fate of United Korea for him.”
“I can see you are speaking from the heart, General,” Kim said. “I share your thoughts completely. But what if he will not step aside?”
“Then,” An said plainly, as if stating an obvious fact, “it is our sworn responsibility to take command.”
THE WHITE HOUSE OVAL OFFICE,
WASHINGTON, D.C.
SEVERAL HOURS LATER
This invasion was completely unprovoked, unwarranted, and could touch off an all-out nuclear exchange!” the President of the United States thundered. In the Oval Office with him were Philip Freeman, Secretary of Defense Chastain, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Balboa, and Vice President Whiting. He was speaking with the Chinese ambassador to the United States, Zhou Chang-li. “We’re very fortunate that President Kwon of Korea didn’t retaliate.”
“Indeed,” Ambassador Zhou said. The diplomat, young for a senior member of the Chinese foreign ministry at age sixty-one, seemed bored and distracted. “It would have meant the end of United Korea once and for all, I think.”
“Is that supposed to be humorous, Mr. Ambassador?”
“No, sir. I am just stating a fact,” Zhou said evenly. “The illegal government of the Republic of Korea agreed to terms of withdrawal of foreign forces. One part of the agreement was that our personnel not be detained or searched. Korea broke their part of the bargain. Second, we agreed that neither side would initiate hostilities against the other. Korea broke that bargain…”
“Korea thought that China launched that attack against them,” Philip Freeman said. “It was a tragic error, but only an error, not a deliberate act of aggression.”
“We respectfully disagree, General Freeman,” Zhou said. “Kwon lashed out at our troops merely as a show of force. He knew full well that those military units he attacked had no ballistic missiles — our ballistic missile forces are located far from the border, even the mobile ones. He shows little regard for human life. It was a despicable act, and he deserves to be punished for it.”
Martindale shook his head. “The old saying goes, ‘Two wrongs don’t make a right,’ Mr. Ambassador,” he said. “I’m talking about Kanggye, about Chagang Do province. Chinese troops have swarmed across the Korean border in several places by the thousands. They have occupied several parts of three provinces and have cut off highways and communications from three major Korean cities. It appears as if China is breaking the reunification agreement and is intent on invading Korea — or destroying it. What’s the justification for this?”
“We are of course concerned about retaliation from South Korea,” Zhou said plainly, as if the answer was obvious to everyone. “President Kwon and his advisers are plainly insane. He has launched an attack against peaceful Chinese ground troops, obviously using the unfortunate attack against his cities by some rebel soldiers as an excuse to lash out against our forces on his border. The entire world knows that his rocket attack was completely unwarranted. The rockets that hit his cities did not come from China. Yet he launched a rocket attack against my country that killed thousands of troops, most of whom were asleep in their beds. It was an incredible act of barbarism that Kwon must answer for! We are understandably concerned that he will next launch a missile attack against our civilian population.”
/> “So in retaliation, you’ve decided to occupy three entire Korean provinces?” Secretary of Defense Chastain said. “You have over thirty-five thousand troops in Chagang Do province alone, and more crossing the Yalu River by the hour. This looks like an invasion force, Mr. Ambassador. It’s 1950 all over again. After what you’ve done in the Philippines and to Taiwan, sir, the world naturally is afraid China wants to take the entire peninsula. Is this true?”
“It is a security force, nothing more,” Ambassador Zhou said. “Quite frankly, sir, we fear the Koreans. We fear President Kwon. We think it is very possible that he could precipitate a thermonuclear war in northeast Asia.”
“That’s nonsense,” Chastain said. “Kwon says he wants peace. He wants Korea to be left alone, without outside intervention.”
“And he is willing to risk the lives of millions of innocent persons?” Zhou asked. “Mr. President, what would you do in our situation? Would you stand idly by and watch an unpredictable nuclear power spring to life overnight in your backyard? Or would you fight for peace at any cost? We chose to fight for peace.”
“By invading a sovereign country?”
“It is well known that Chagang Do province was the seat of North Korea’s chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons testing programs, and also where they conducted many of their rocket tests,” Ambassador Zhou said. “The province has nine weapons facilities, several rocket testing facilities, four intercontinental-class launch facilities, and three nuclear reactors, all of which are capable of producing weapons-grade nuclear material. It has an extensive underground military laboratory, storage, staging, and security complex. This was too important a target to risk being left to a foreign power and obviously insane adversary such as Kwon Ki-chae.
“The safest alternative was to retake the military facilities, remove the scientific and manufacturing data, destroy the facilities, and then depart. This is our intention.” Zhou fixed the President with a sincere gaze. “It is the truth, Mr. President. China only desires peace. It is true we assisted North Korea in its development of weapons of mass destruction. North Korea needed our economic assistance, and we wanted to ensure that our influence exceeded that of the Russians. Setting up weapons laboratories was a simple and effective way of making sure North Korea stayed in our sphere of influence.”
“And what about the other invasions along the border?” the President asked. “Four brigades on the march in the first hour alone?”
“I am a bureaucrat, not a soldier,” Ambassador Zhou said. “I do not understand military tactics. But I assure you, our only intention is to disable or destroy the nuclear, chemical, and biological labs in Chagang Do province. Perhaps the other moves are feints to divide and confuse the Koreans. If they launched nuclear weapons against our forces in Chagang Do province, perhaps the other units could accomplish the mission. We know what secrets those weapons facilities hold, sir. If United Korea was allowed to use those laboratories to develop new weapons or to repair its existing arsenal, the threat against our country would be absolutely intolerable.”
“You mean, the risk of Korea’s revolution spreading to China would be intolerable?” the President asked knowingly. Zhou seemed to squirm uncomfortably and he averted his eyes as if he had just been discovered in a lie. “You know as well as we do that Korea is not a threat to China or anyone else, that even a nuclear arsenal doesn’t make Korea’s threat any greater. But China can’t allow a successful revolution on its borders because it might spark a similar revolution in China.”
“That is hardly the issue, sir…”
“Oh, but I think it is,” President Martindale said. “A few provinces in China think they have a shot at autonomy. If Beijing doesn’t do anything against a nuclear-armed Korea, maybe they won’t do anything against Inner Mongolia, or Xinjiang, or Tibet. Maybe you thought you needed to show Vietnam or the Philippines or Taiwan that you are still the big kid on the block. Maybe with democracy breaking out in Asia, Beijing is finding it more difficult to deal with protests and insurgency without using military force!”
“This speculation is pointless!” Zhou interjected. “Mr. President, I have stated my government’s position as openly and honestly as possible. China is concerned about United Korea’s development of more weapons of mass destruction using captured Chinese technology, so we have taken steps to prevent the technology from falling into their hands.
“I assure you, this is a peaceful undertaking,” Zhou went on. “We desire nothing but peace. Our intention is to transport sensitive weapons technology and information out of Chagang Do province, then make sure that the Koreans cannot use the laboratories, and test and manufacturing facilities. We will destroy only military facilities. My government is even willing to reimburse United Korea for damage to civilian and nonmilitary properties we may cause. But we will do this. Kwon says he will go to war to remove us. We say we will go to war to prevent any more weapons of mass destruction from falling into Kwon’s evil hands. I think we all know who would win such a confrontation.”
“Mr. Ambassador, listen to me very carefully,” President Martindale said. “The United States was more than willing to give peace a chance when the bloodless revolution took place and the peninsula was reunited. We did everything asked of us: we vacated the country, abandoned our bases, and pulled out. We did this because we wanted to show China and the world that we could trust and be trusted. As long as the conflict in Korea was between Koreans, we were willing to stand aside.
“But with Chinese troops on Korean soil, it’s not an internal matter anymore. I feel betrayed. The American people trusted me to keep Korea free. My duty was to the thousands of Americans who died trying to defend freedom and democracy in Korea in the 1950s. I trusted you, and now China has broken that trust. My people, and the shades of the men and women who died in the Korean War, are ready to turn their backs on me.”
“Mr. President, I…”
“Be quiet and listen, Mr. Ambassador,” Martindale went on angrily. “As long as Chinese troops are on Korean soil, my promise to stay out of Korea’s affairs is ended. I now promise the complete opposite: I now promise that I will strike with all the power at my command any foreign military forces in Korea. The life of every soldier your country has sent into Korea is in my hands right now, do you understand?”
“You dare threaten the lives of Liberation Army soldiers so casually, sir?” Zhou asked, trying to inject as much indignation as he could into his voice. “My country has fought wars that have lasted longer than your nation’s entire existence!”
“Mr. Ambassador, we have spent the last two years since the Taiwan crisis examining your nation’s military,” Secretary of Defense Chastain said. “We know your strengths and weaknesses, probably better than you know them yourself. China is a formidable adversary. But we stopped you from taking Taiwan, and we’ll stop you from taking Korea — any way we can.”
Ambassador Zhou gathered his briefcase and headed for the door but stopped and turned. “Mr. President, Madam Vice President, gentlemen. I implore you one last time: do not interfere in this. We have no intention of precipitating or fighting a war with United Korea. But if China is faced with the prospect of a nuclear-armed Korea on its front doorstep, inciting revolution and insurrection and supporting Chinese dissidents with its nuclear weapons, we will act. And we will consider any nation that aids the Koreans to be our sworn enemy as well.”
“We do not appreciate your threats, Mr. Ambassador,” the President said. “Tell President Jiang and the Politburo that China first made the mistake by arming North Korea and building those weapons facilities. You do not have the right to interfere now that those facilities are not under your rightful control, no matter what your rationale is. Peace begets peace, Mr. Ambassador, and conflict begets conflict. Chinese troops are on Korean soil and have killed or captured thousands of Koreans. If it’s peace you’re working for, you’re not going about it the right way.
“My demand is simple: Remove your forc
es from Korea immediately. If we see China’s forces moving north at great speed within the hour, we will speak with President Kwon and compel him to stop any offensives against your retreating forces. If you do not begin withdrawing your forces within the hour, they will be destroyed. Plain and simple.”
Zhou said nothing. He hid a deep scowl by bowing deeply, then departed.
The President returned to his desk and took a moment to collect his thoughts and try to unwind. “Well, that went swimmingly. China has come right out and admitted they’re taking a Korean province for an indefinite period of time.”
“What is Kwon going to do?” the Vice President asked. “He’s shown us he’s capable of anything. He’s likely to level everything inside Chagang Do province with whatever weapon he can.”
The President stared out the window, lost in thought. “And I can’t blame him,” he said finally. “If it’s proved that Kwon launched those rockets against China even though he knew China didn’t attack, his actions are unconscionable. But he’s also demonstrated his resolve to defend United Korea using every tool at his disposal. I believe Zhou when he says China is afraid of Kwon. I’m afraid of Kwon, and I don’t think he has any missiles pointed at us. China might very well do as Zhou says they will: destroy the nuclear weapons labs, burn everything down, and get out.”
“And that wouldn’t make me unhappy either,” Philip Freeman admitted. “The question is, who’s going to step over the line next? Will Kwon back off? And if he doesn’t, how much force is he going to use?”