Arnold’s Cove Commercial/Industrial Park $588,617
Ultimateast Data Communications $1,444,326
Ocean Engineering Research Centre MUN $776,000
Marketing Assistance, Marine Institute Memorial University $206,000
Bull Arm Marketing $750,000
Upgrading Turf Point Wharf $2,032,174
Instrumar Multi Phase Meter $1,047,020
Canadian Centre for Marine Communication Newfoundland Geomatics Project $2,500,000
Cabot College Petroleum Products Training Capability Enhancement Project $2,601,500
Centre for Cold Ocean Resources Engineering (Phase II) $3,500,000
Dynamic Positing Project $550,400
Turf Wharf Phase II $466,895
Industry Development Block Fund $3,606,085
Enhancement of Growth of Marine Technology $2,600,000
Refurbishment of Marine Institute South Side facilities $3,105,000
Refurbishment of the Skills Training Fund $1,000,000
APPENDIX III
APPENDIX IV: PEOPLE OF NOTE
JOHN CROSBIE
The first time I met John was when I ran for the presidency of the Green Bay Liberal Association in 1968. John had attended the meeting of the district association to elect an executive, these officers to be delegates to the announced Leadership Convention of the party. Premier Smallwood was also in attendance (as I relate elsewhere in this book) and took a characteristic intrusive role in the outcome of the meeting. Strangely enough, John did not intervene as one would think he would to ensure that the premier remained objective rather than brazenly supporting my opponent in the election of the president. Anyway, because of my disillusionment with Smallwood and the dictatorial way the so-called new Liberal Party was being organized, contrary to all the public statements Smallwood had made about it being a democratic party, it was later that I joined Crosbie’s leadership team upon an invitation from him to become involved.
This was a wonderful learning experience for me as I criss-crossed the central, northeast, and eastern part of the island (Baie Verte to Clarenville) from late June to October looking to attract people to the Crosbie campaign, get them organized and attend nomination meetingsto getCrosbie delegates elected tothe Leadership Convention. Crosbie at that time, and which is no doubt a shock to many now, was a very poor public speaker. Even in a one-on-one situation he was aloof, and that habit of closing his eyes while he spoke or someone was speaking to him drove us campaign people crazy as we would hear people complain about this weird behavioural phenomenon after the meetings that John attended. Everyone knew he was a lawyer, must be smart, was a minister in the Smallwood government, and came from one of the most well-known merchant families in the province, but to see this type of behaviour in one looking for support seemed most unusual and downright odd.
I remember one sojourn with him in Twillingate/New World Island where we had arranged for him to attend a meeting in order to assist us in gathering some supporters in a very Smallwood-leaning district. That was a mistake. There was simply no way we could compete here with the madly loyal Smallwood supporters, whose antimerchant bias was on full display and who, even when confronted with some solid arguments for Crosbie, would often cite his inability to give a stirring speech. I remember our car ride back to Gander that night with John insisting on driving at lightning speed over miles of dirt road. I thought at any moment we would end up in a ditch or worse—crash into a utility pole or an oncoming vehicle.
Concerning my later unfortunate incident with John where he insisted that he had forgotten our earlier arrangement with the campaign, I tried to put it behind me. Of course, I worked for him as a sort of executive assistant to the Liberal Reform Group (after our agreement to continue to be paid was honoured) from November, 1968, until the next June. It was here that I really got my first glimpse of John up close. He was, and remained, as most people know, a hard worker, many times involved in the minutia that should be left to others. And he was stubborn. He came to most decisions, then, on his own, and then gathered people around to agree with him and to assist in implementation. So, while I kept in touch throughout that time with many of the wounded Crosbie supporters, there was little research that I was asked to do. This was a shame, since here I had an office on New Gower Street, a secretary, and time to assist more fully in seeking out information and researching various issues that were coming before the legislature.
My next encounter, of course, was serving with him in Frank Moores’s caucus after the March, 1972, election. And from 1974 to 1976 I served in Frank Moores’s Cabinet and saw John in action on that level. Once again John distinguished himself for his hard work but also for his obstinacy: when he took a position it was impossible to move him away from it no matter what substantive or political reasons given. This was always evident, but I remember most particularly on the Labrador Linerboard issue, where he was the lead minister, and the Brinco water rights issue. Interestingly, in his book No Holds Barred, John characteristically deals with these issues as if he alone was involved, when in fact Cabinet ministers, the premier, and the full Cabinet were party and involved with these important issues.
John left the provincial Cabinet in 1976 and ran in a by-election in October, won and became a Member of the Progressive Conservative Opposition led by Joe Clark. During his time as Joe Clark’s minister of Finance and Newfoundland’s representative (1979) in the federal Cabinet, nothing stands out, except for Mr. Clark’s commitment letter regarding offshore (a pyrrhic victory given the short seven-month life of the government) and the fisheries matters which remained unresolved. So the great hopes that we had for Newfoundland’s prospects with our “fish and chips” ministers in Ottawa came tumbling down with the defeat of the government in Parliament as a result of the budget of our very own John Crosbie. I guess it is here that one sees demonstrated the hamartia as described earlier—his obstinacy, and I guess at the same time Joe Clark’s as well in his lack of leadership in not facing down his Finance minister.
Perhaps the two most interesting (at the time frustrating beyond belief) incidents concerned two significant events: first, my leadership run, and second, the first meeting as premier and he as federal minister.
My leadership team was very organized and we were lining up prominent people who would support us. Frankly, we did not have that many. Ours was mainly a grassroots campaign. But John Crosbie, given that I had been involved with his leadership campaign against Smallwood, knowing that he was not enamoured with most of the other candidates, and the fact that many of the people who had supported Crosbie were supporting me, we figured this would not be a difficult thing—only the timing. Well, it proved to be a very difficult thing. By the time Crosbie did throw his support my way— after a personal visit from my campaign manager, Frank Ryan, who had also been involved with Crosbie—it really was too late to have an impact. We had all the hard work done. One of the major turning points was when three very prominent PCs came out supporting me: Bill Marshall, Gerry Ottenheimer, and Dr. John Collins. These three individuals were known as honest, bright, and very devoted Conservatives. They were to play pivotal roles in my administrations. We were confident that with a good speech at the convention, we would be in there competing for top spot. This is another sad story in my relationship with John. Why he was holding out, I honestly do not know. No doubt there was a tinge of jealousy since it was no secret that John really wanted the premiership, not the position of federal minister for Newfoundland. And here was a rural fellow, who had been one of a number of campaign managers on his own leadership campaign, now challenging for the very job for which he yearned.
With the leadership concluded and after taking over the reins as premier, the federal election of May, 1979, produced a minority government but with the federal Conservatives in the majority, Joe Clark as prime minister, for whom I had campaigned in his successful leadership bid, and John Crosbie as minister of Finance. It was customary (and in this particular circum
stance assumed to be a very pleasant affair) for the premier and the federal minister to get together at an early moment to review the outstanding bilateral issues existing between the two orders of government. The date was set and we were to meet in St. John’s. There was a hitch. I was informed by my press secretary, Frank Petten, that John (Mr. Crosbie) would meet me at a suite in Hotel Newfoundland. How unusual! Another fit of pique, the stubborn streak? Of course, I let it be known in no uncertain terms that there would be only one setting for the meeting: the premier’s office at the Confederation Building. And, of course, John relented and the meeting proceeded, as all meetings with like participants have proceeded before and since.
John published a book in 1997 entitled No Holds Barred. I never read it then. At the time I was tied up in some project that took up my time. I remember, however, a number of people contacting me, asking if I had read the book, since, they said, he was hostile to me. I sort of passed this off as John’s bluster and that was that. Well, of course, for this book, given that I was to discuss John, I was forced to get his book and read it. What a shocker. Stupidly, I had not read it, and therefore had not responded to the many false statements, half-truths, and selected comments ascribed to me. It really is an egocentric tirade: how good he was and how bad most other people were. In retrospect, that was John. I emailed Alvin Hewlett, my former chief of staff and former Member of Green Bay, the following:
Believe it or not, I did not read Crosbie’s book when it came out in 1997. I think I was travelling doing the salmon inquiry for the Government of British Columbia. Anyway, I have just read it, a requirement if I am to talk about Crosbie in my book. Wow—what a nasty, or should I say, visceral attack on me and through me the province and the citizens in those sections where my name is mentioned. What perhaps is most disconcerting is that many statements are factually incorrect, others partial truths, and other phrases a deliberate attempt at cherry-picking. And hardly any of it with supporting documentation. All and all, a disappointing, ego-driven tirade. I am surprised that Geoffrey Stevens would allow his name to be associated with something so second-rate.
I honestly did not realize that John could be so blinded, one-sided, and bitter once he began to write about politics and people.
It’s a bit ironic to title a book No Holds Barred when it is so obviously selected holds which are open and others which are not. John’s sudden loss of memory or omission of his breech of trust to me, his late coming to my leadership, his absence at a crucial meeting on the offshore with then Finance minister Michael Wilson, the just-referenced meeting in my office, are some of the holds that are barred. Yet he remembers I was elected secretary of the Green Bay Liberal Association. By the way, it really was vice-president! When one chooses such a title for a book, it’s open season I’m afraid.
And, of course, no one could make a political decision on their own if associated with John, since he knew all. For example, in his book in referencing the Green Bay Riding Association meeting where I was elected vice-president, John goes on to say, “Like thousands of other Liberals he followed me into the Conservative party” (p. 78). There’s the arrogance for you—and untrue. I had joined the PC Party before John and at the time phoned and told him so. Similarly, in speaking of his federal leadership plans, he says: “I had made a point of getting Newfoundland premier Brian Peckford on my side . . .” meaning, I suppose, there was work to be done to get my support (p. 209). There was never any doubt about my support even if I was privately reluctant—he was from Newfoundland and being loyal to the province and potentially having a Newfoundlander prime minister far overshadowed other concerns at the time. And John knew that.
The book is full of personal attacks. On page 239 he references “the ruthlessness of Brian Peckford,” but shows an absence of evidence to substantiate such an appellation. The greatest sin, you see, was to oppose John Crosbie on anything. He took that personally because in his mind he was always right, so how could anyone have a credible opposing view (not unlike Mr. Trudeau)? Unlike both Moores and Mulroney, where it was possible to hold an opposing view on one thing but work cooperatively on other things, Crosbie could not engage in such activity. This, then, often led to hyperbole, such as when he labels me on page 354 as “selfish and ungrateful.” Funny how Ottawa so quickly federalizes people. Ironically, John had fallen into the Smallwoodian mindset of Ottawa’s manna from heaven theme; we were given things from Ottawa, never entitled to them. And don’t dare criticize on an issue if you had achieved something for the province on another unrelated issue.
On page 55 he goes so far as to say he “wanted to wreak vengeance on them [Peckford and Wells] and their miserable governments for their appalling attitudes.” This is pretty strong stuff, since it is not much of a mental stretch to conclude that he was also insulting the people of the province. It’s reminiscent of his outbursts later in Marystown and St. John’s over the fishery; Marystown concerning his support of some mainland corporate interests and the other when he was announcing the northern cod moratorium as minister of Fisheries.
On page 355 he states that I wanted to bar non-Newfoundlanders from fishing for northern cod. Wrong! The policy was Newfoundlanders first, because of the principles of adjacency and historic use, principles well recognized around the world; if after this was achieved there were still fish available, then other Canadians. He criticizes me for trying to get the best deals possible for the reopening of the Come By Chance refinery and the Lower Churchill. I plead guilty!
Need I say more?
FRANK MOORES
Frank was different. Crosbie and Moores came from wealthy families, both drank a lot—Moores, his Scotch, Crosbie, the dark rum— attended private schools in Upper Canada, and were used to getting their own way. After that the similarities ceased. Frank was easygoing where Crosbie was serious; Frank liked a frolicking good time, Crosbie a no-show for such things; Frank his many women, Crosbie devoted to Jane; and Frank an aversion to hard work, Crosbie attracted to it.
It would be a huge mistake, however, to imply that Frank lacked brains. He was quick, had an excellent memory, and could master a lot of material quickly when he put his mind to it. It was getting his mind to it, and holding it—that was the problem.
I remember when I first worked in the premier’s office, having been appointed special assistant in 1973. I think I also acted as parliamentary assistant. Anyway, the office was in disarray. Charlie Brett (the then Member for Trinity South and good friend) was doing his best to arrange things. It was a mighty task. Just getting responses out to letters written to the premier seemed like a mighty task. And it wasn’t being done in a timely manner. On one of my first days I was in the premier’s private office (I think just me) talking to the premier. I insisted on a one-on-one because I wanted to tell him just how bad the organization of the office was and get his okay to bring some sense to the place. I used as an example his desk before me, cluttered in piles with letters—some opened, some not opened—and that this needed to be cleaned up.
“Well, Pecky, just look at you; trying to change the world. My son, if you can do it, no problem. You got my blessing.”
It was this nonchalance that would frustrate one as you tried to do something that would help him and all of us. He often just didn’t seem to care that much. And then there were times when he would get this burst of energy for the job, and for a few days he was on top of everything. And great to be around.
His womanizing was legion. While serving as his parliamentary assistant I had occasion to be ordered by him, while seated in the legislature, to proceed to the legislature gallery and escort a woman, unknown to me, to his office on the eighth floor. I did and returned to the legislature. In a few minutes, the premier left his chair and informed me that he would be away for a little while and proceeded to his office via the private elevator. Within the hour he was back, looking refreshed, showered, with a clean shirt and tie, and gave us all the impression he was very much interested in the ongoing debate.
On campaign stops around the province he was known, at overnight stays, to have access to women of the community. And I remember I was to accompany him and his press secretary to Ottawa for a conference via Montreal. The conference was on a Tuesday, but we three were going to Montreal on Friday for the weekend, or so we were informed.
And he could be generous. I remember when I finally persuaded him to come to my district to be the guest speaker (he had never been there before) at the PC District Association annual meeting, dinner and dance. Of course, he almost didn’t make it, showing up late by helicopter on a misty evening just before dark (and well fortified with alcohol).
A few days before, when I had reminded him of the event, he said to me, “Well, what are the problems in your district?”
I responded, “Premier, there are many: road problems, forestry issues, health care, and so on. If you just mention that you are aware of the road, forestry, fishing, and heath care issues, and that you will be tackling them with me, that will be fine.”
“No, no,” Frank said, “What can we do right now? What do you want?”
Taken aback, I stumbled and uttered that a very dedicated group had been working with me and the Department of Health on a new long-term care facility for Springdale and that they had a lot of the groundwork already completed.
“Well, that’s it,” he said, “I will announce it.”
Some Day the Sun Will Shine and Have Not Will Be No More Page 30