THE TENSION OF BEING “BEHIND THE TIMES”
Even if this first tension between faster-changing women and slower-changing men is resolved, a second one may remain. There were families like the Delacortes whose ideas were “behind the times” in the sense that their ideals were suited to an economy long gone. Both agreed on what each should do at home, and on who deserved credit for what. They had the same exchange rate in their marital economy of gratitude. The strain they felt was due to a clash between a traditional ideal and a thin pocketbook. I found this pattern more common among blue-collar than white-collar couples.
Their traditionalism did not mean that husbands shirked the second shift. Traditional men did slightly more at home than transitional men, partly because they felt guilty they could not be the sole provider. Some husbands also cared for the house because their wives worked a different shift and they were the only ones home. Traditionalism didn’t stop such men from helping; it only meant they didn’t feel good about it and that it counted as more of a favor.
The tension for tradition defenders lay not in the second shift itself but in the fact that their wives worked. And some of their wives felt pushed into working and hated it. Some didn’t feel it was right to blame their husbands, but still clung to their “right” to stay home. Like Carmen, most tried not to complain. But in this very effort, they were managing a conflict between the ideals—separate sexual spheres, male rule—and the reality of their lives. These wives wanted to seem more different and unequal than they were. Hence, Carmen’s strategy of “playing dumb” to draw Frank into the kitchen while leaving his male identity at the kitchen door.
WOMEN WHO BECOME LIKE TRADITIONAL MEN AND TRADITIONAL MEN WHO STAY AS THEY ARE
Couples unaffected by the first two sources of tension could still be vulnerable to a third—the assimilation of women to the values of the dominant male culture. I have focused on men crossing the “gender divide” to pitch in with work their mothers used to do. But a troubling trend moves in the opposite direction—women pitching in at the office and acting like their work-consumed fathers. Men and women may share the work at home but do altogether less of it. A strategy of cutting back on the housework, the children, the marriage may be on the rise, with corresponding thinned-out ideas about what people “need.”
Among couples who shared, some were oriented primarily toward work, both playing “father.” Others were more oriented toward the family, both playing “mother.” The first were cutting back equally on family life; the second were cutting back equally on career.
Middle-class couples who put family first often felt at odds with the “commitment norm” in their careers, as did Adrienne and Michael Sherman (the parents of the twins who got into the motor oil). Adrienne struggled against her chairman’s view of the ideal scholar, Michael with the hopes of his proud parents and priorities of his colleagues. Both struggled with their own inner desire to make scientific discoveries and write great books. They both tried to avoid being total “father.”
Other couples seemed to capitulate to a workaholism à deux, each spouse equitably granting the other the right to work long hours, and reconciling themselves to a drastically reduced conception of family life. One thirty-seven-year-old woman lawyer, married to another lawyer, each of whom was trying to make partner in different firms, commented:
Before we had children, we could work hard and play some too. We used to go out a lot together, sometimes to a different movie every night. We bicycled weekends. But when our practices got up to fifty-five hours a week and Kevin was born, we went into a stage of siege. No one tells you how a child turns your life around. For a while there we were, just surviving, very little sleep, no sex, little talk, delight in Kevin and adrenaline. We just say hello in bed before dropping off. We’re still doing this.
To others, such a siege seemed normal. For example, a thirty-two-year-old accountant married his wife with the understanding that the house “didn’t matter,” they could eat out, cater parties, and engage a “wonderful nanny” for the children. They equitably shared an aversion to anything domestic. Since the “wonderful nanny” tended the children, cleaned house, and cooked meals, the couple had little of the second shift to share.
In their single-minded attention to career, these couples also focused less than others on their children. Their homes were neater; there were fewer paintings stuck to the refrigerator door, fewer toys in the hallway. The decor in the living and dining rooms was more often beige or white. The space where the children played was more clearly separated from the rest of the house.
Such couples shared in whatever family life there was to share. Sometimes such marriages degenerated into rivalry. One highly successful businessman and his wife, a lawyer, the parents of a five-year-old son, began to compete for who could be more away from home than the other. As the wife explained: “I found myself doing things all workaholics do—deliberately creating a situation where I had to be at work late. You fritter away time during the day knowing you won’t get all your work done. That way, when Jim called, I could tell him I had to work late without lying.” Each thought of staying home or caring for the child as a defeat. Caring less was a victory. Not until the couple separated did the wife look back at this competition with regret and begin to devote real attention to her son.
In the first group of marriages—like that between Nancy and Evan Holt—tension focused on a clash between the husband’s view of his role at home and his wife’s. In the second group of marriages—like that between Carmen and Frank Delacorte—the tension centered on finding an acceptable way for a man to do a woman’s work. In the third group of marriages, the tension centered on the gap between the care a family needs to thrive and the devaluation of the work of caring for it.
The first tension could be resolved if the Evans of the world shared the second shift. The second tension could be resolved if the Franks could earn enough so the Carmens could stay home. But beneath these issues lay a basic question—tying a shoe, arbitrating a quarrel, reading a story—how much self should go into it?
DIVORCE AND THE SECOND SHIFT
Over the last thirty years in the United States, more women have gone out to work, and more have divorced. According to the sociologist William Goode, working women divorce at a higher rate than housewives in the former Soviet Union, Germany, Sweden, and France. Indeed, in France, working women have twice the divorce rate of housewives. So some conclude that women’s work causes divorce. In one national survey, Joseph Pleck and Graham Staines found that working wives were more likely than housewives to say they wished they had married someone else and more likely to have considered divorce. But people who conclude that it is women’s work that causes divorce look only at what women are doing—earning money, feeling more independent, thinking better of themselves, expecting more of men.1
My research suggests something else. Since all the wives I studied worked outside the home, the fact that they worked did not account for why some marriages were happy and others were not. What did contribute to happiness was the husband’s willingness to do the work at home. Sharing the second shift improved a marriage regardless of what ideas either had about men’s and women’s roles. A national study of over a thousand married couples conducted by Ronald Kessler and James McRae also found that working wives suffered less distress if their husbands helped with the home and children.2
Among the families I’ve described, a number came close to divorce. Two months after I first interviewed them, Anita and Ray Judson separated. John and Barbara Livingston had been about to separate when they sought counseling. The Steins seemed divorced in spirit. In the study as a whole, one out of every eight couples had at some point thought seriously of divorce. Apart from the Livingstons, in every one of these couples, the man avoided the work at home.
Did they avoid their wives in the course of avoiding the second shift or avoid the second shift in the course of avoiding their wives? It was often hard to tell. But wives often
felt their husbands’ refusal to help at home as a lack of consideration.
A twenty-six-year-old legal secretary, the mother of two and married to a businessman, said: “Patrick empties the garbage occasionally and sweeps. That’s all. He does no cooking, no washing, no anything else. How do I feel? Furious. If our marriage ends, it will be on this issue. And it just might.” A thirty-year-old mother of two, who works at word processing, was more resigned: “I take care of Kevin [their son]. I do the house cleaning. I pay the bills. I shop for birthdays. I write the Christmas cards. I’m a single mother already.”
Tom O’Mally, a thirty-eight-year-old engineer, described a harrowing marriage and bitter divorce. For seven years of marriage to his first wife, Tom left all housework and care of their four sons to his wife, a school administrator. He said his wife reasoned with him about it, then argued. Then she tried lists. When that failed, she tried therapy. When that failed, she left, and Tom was faced for the first time with the sole care of their four sons. When asked what caused the divorce, he answered, “Lists.” As he explained:
Especially the last several years of my marriage, we had lists of household chores that had to be done. I came to hate these lists. We had this formal thing about Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday—whose turn to do dishes, whose turn to do the laundry. Finally, when it didn’t work out, my wife went to a therapist. Then we went to one of those marriage encounters and came up with a definite way of splitting up housework. I have to think that [arrangements to split housework] destroy more marriages than they save.
“So were you doing some of the chores?” I asked.
No. I wasn’t doing any of them. I always felt I’d been railroaded into doing them against my will. I hated that goddamn list. I still remember blowing up and stalking out of the house. I never stuck with the list.
With her Tuesday-Wednesday-Thursday list, his ex-wife reminded me of Nancy Holt. But instead of accommodating to the extra work at home, his wife kept the list but ended the marriage. Tom O’Mally then married a much younger, less-educated woman who stayed home to tend the house and children. He told his second wife, “Anything but a list!”
Men’s resistance to sharing the extra month a year is by no means the only cause of divorce, but it is often a source of tension underlying the others.
In a few cases, a certain reverse of this story occurred. A twenty-eight-year-old saleswoman, Diane Hatch, told of how a marriage of seven years ended when her baby was nine months old. Her husband had always supported her career, the marriage had been stable and the baby planned, she said. But when the baby arrived, and Diane wanted to stay home for six months to care for him, her husband objected, suddenly worrying—she felt needlessly—about their finances. As she put it, “I went back to a job I didn’t want before I was ready.”
At first blush, it seemed that Diane’s husband, Jim, was replacing the old adage “A woman’s place is in the home” with a new one: “A woman’s place is at work.” But Diane went on to explain matters in a way that cast a different light. She said her husband had suffered a blow at work, and she had criticized him strongly, adding one blow to another. He had been extremely involved with the birth of his son, and wanted to share the care of him. Perhaps if things were not going well at work, he wanted to devote more of his identity to being a father. It was when Diane began to crowd him out of his potential role at home that Jim began to urge her back to work. To the utter shock and dismay of family and friends, Jim walked out on his wife and nine-month-old baby. But this may have been why. Some men seek identity within the second shift.
In a telling 1983 study, Joan Huber and Glenna Spitze asked 1,360 husbands and wives: “Has the thought of getting a divorce from your husband (or wife) ever crossed your mind?” They found that more wives than husbands had thought about divorce (30 percent versus 22 percent) and that wives thought about it more often. How much each one earned had no effect on thoughts of divorce. Nor did attitudes toward the roles of men and women. But the more housework a wife saw her husband do, the less likely she was to think of divorce. As the researchers noted: “For each of the five daily household tasks which the husband performs at least half the time, the wife is about 3 percent less likely to have thoughts of divorce.”3 (The five tasks were meal preparation, food shopping, child care, daily housework, and meal cleanup.) The researcher also found that if a working wife thinks her husband should share housework, she is 10 percent more likely to have thoughts of divorce than if she does not believe this.
In another study, of 600 couples applying for divorce, George Levinger found that the second most common reason women cited for wanting divorce—after “mental cruelty”—was “neglect of home or children.” Women mentioned this reason more often than financial problems, physical abuse, drinking, or infidelity. Among middle-class women who filed for divorce, a man’s neglect of home or children was the single most common complaint, mentioned by nearly half. Both men and women mentioned neglect of home and children: 39 percent of the women, and 26 percent of the men.4
Happy marriage is famously mysterious. But an added ingredient to it these days is some resolution of the extra month a year. As the role of the homemaker is vacated by many women, the homemaker’s work has been devalued and passed on to low-paid housekeepers, baby-sitters, and day-care workers. Like an ethnic culture in danger of being swallowed up by the culture of a dominant group, the contribution of the traditional homemaker has been devalued first by men and now by more women.
In the era of a stalled revolution, one way to reverse this devaluation is for men to share the care of their children not simply as a matter of justice but of wisdom. A South African miner forced under Apartheid to work eleven months a year in the gold mines, visiting his family in the Homelands (reservations for blacks) only one month a year, said this: “I need to work to support my family, but I miss them terribly, especially my children. I miss the chance for me to bring my children up.”
CHAPTER
15
Men Who Do and Men Who Don’t
ONE out of five men in this study were as actively involved at home as their wives. Some, like Greg Alston, shared in a “male” way, doing such things as carpentry; others, like Art Winfield, in a “female” way, as people imagined these ways to be. Since the men who shared the second shift lived happier family lives, I wondered what conditions produced such men. How do men who share differ from other men?
They were no more likely than other men to have “model” fathers who helped at home. Their parents were no more likely to have trained them to do chores when they were young. Michael Sherman and Seth Stein both had fathers who spent little time with them and did little work around the house. But Michael became engrossed in raising his twin boys, whereas Seth said hello and good-bye to his kids on his way to and from an absorbing law practice. Sharers were also as likely to have had mothers who were homemakers or who worked and tended the home as non-sharers.
Wives of sharing men eagerly offered complex explanations for why their husbands were so “unusual.” Yet each story differed from the next. For example, one woman explained:
Jonathan has always been extremely involved with the children. I think it’s because he grew up the son of Jews who survived the Holocaust and immigrated to Canada after World War Two. He never felt a part of Canadian society, he always felt like an outsider. I think that’s why he never bought into conventional sex roles either. His mother worked day and night running a grocery store, so he rarely saw her. She didn’t like kids anyway; he was brought up by his grandmother so he didn’t believe only a mother could raise kids.
Another wife offered a different explanation: “Dwight is unusually involved at home because his father was away so much in the navy, and his mother stayed home to take care of the kids by herself. I think it was seeing her handle all that by herself that made him want to share, and I thank his mother for training him.”
The “upbringing stories” of such wives often focused on the impact of t
heir husband’s mother. But the only recurring theme I could discover had to do with the son’s disaffiliation from a detached, absent, or overbearing father. John Livingston’s father, as he sadly described him, was a recluse who ignored his son. Michael Sherman’s father alternately praised and forgot his. Art Winfield’s biological father disappeared entirely. Many men had bad memories of their fathers, but the men who ended up sharing child care differentiated themselves from their fathers; seeing them as bad examples they vowed not to be like. The most involved father—Art Winfield, the father who played with the children at his adopted son’s day-care class—was both disenchanted with his real father, a “bad” model of fatherhood, and ardently devoted to his kindly stepfather, a “good” model. What seemed important was the combination of how a man identified with his father and what that father was like—not how much the father had helped around the house.
But most people believed that it was “upbringing”—how much a man helped around the house as a boy—that made the difference.1 Evan Holt, who did his hobbies “downstairs” while his wife cared for the “upstairs,” said he was just acting the way he was “brought up” to act. But Evan didn’t do many other things he was brought up to do, like go to church, avoid using credit cards, or wait to have sex until after marriage. In these areas of life he was his own man. Around the house, he said he was just doing what his mother taught him. The “upbringing” story seemed like a cover for a more illusive psychological predisposition.
The Second Shift: Working Families and the Revolution at Home Page 23