During the 1560s, Walter held no official post at court, and as such it is likely that he too spent much of his time at home with his growing family. Although estate business would have taken up a great deal of his time, he may nevertheless have been there to watch as Penelope took her first tentative steps, or uttered her first word. According to some accounts, the family spent some of their summers at Lamphey, the secluded spot in Wales where Walter is likely to have spent much of his time during childhood. There is no contemporary evidence to support this assertion, and given the distance – Lamphey was some two hundred miles from Chartley – it seems unlikely that they undertook this journey regularly every year. It is certainly possible that on occasion, however, the family did enjoy spending time at Lamphey, with its splendid deer park, fishponds and orchards. It is possible too that from time to time Lettice journeyed south to visit her family – frequently at court and Syon now rather than Greys.
The birth of Penelope was followed by that of another daughter, named Dorothy as a compliment to her paternal grandmother. Dorothy’s birth is said to have taken place on 17 September 1564, also at Chartley.16 The births of two surviving children in the space of just over eighteen months was an encouraging sign, and boded well for the future. Thus far, though, Lettice had yet to provide her husband with the male heir that he needed in order to continue the male Devereux line.
Although Lettice had much with which to occupy her time following the births of her two daughters, the vivacious Viscountess was unsuited to a life in the country. She loved her family, but she wanted more. She was still young – just shy of her twenty-first birthday at the time of Dorothy’s birth – and she was still enticed by the intrigues of London and the court. Lettice may therefore have been delighted at the prospect of returning there in the summer of 1565, despite being pregnant with her third child. Leaving her two young daughters at Chartley in the care of the nursery staff, she and Walter journeyed south, her pregnancy ensuring that they travelled at a slower pace. Their visit was necessitated by the forthcoming nuptials of Lettice’s elder brother, Henry, to Margaret Cave.
On 16 July, the wedding was hosted at Durham Place, and was a celebration of the utmost magnificence. Located on the fashionable Strand, Durham Place was now a Crown property that was given over to the use of the Queen’s courtiers on occasion – from 1559 to 1565 it was used as the London residence of the Spanish ambassador, and it would later regularly be used by Walter. It was also a popular choice for entertaining, and it had been at Durham Place that the ill-fated Lady Jane Grey had been married to Guildford Dudley in May 1553. The wedding was not only a family celebration at which Lettice and her husband were present, but also a royal occasion. In a sign of her favour to the family, the Queen attended the wedding as the guest of honour. There had been some anxiety on the part of the bride’s father, Sir Ambrose Cave, who was worried about issues of precedence; both the French and Imperial ambassadors – natural enemies – were in attendance, and a diplomatic incident was only narrowly avoided. The wedding was celebrated with great style, and the impressed Imperial ambassador observed that ‘After supper there was a ball, a tourney, and two masques, the feast ending at half-past one.’17 It is tempting to speculate that, given her relationship with the Queen, Lettice’s wedding may have been conducted on a similar scale to that of her brother, but there is sadly no evidence to confirm this. Henry and Margaret’s marriage was successful, and together the couple would have two daughters. The youngest was named Lettice as a compliment to her aunt.18
The festivities of Henry’s wedding were a cause of great celebration within Lettice’s family, and her attendance provided her with the opportunity to spend some time with both her parents and her siblings. The lively entertainments served as a reminder of the ones in which Lettice had once participated in at court, although in her pregnant state there was no opportunity for her to do so on this occasion. It is unclear where she resided during this time for Walter had no London home of his own, but they were in no rush to return to Chartley; instead they spent the rest of the summer at court. Here they were able to enjoy the amusements and diversions that were offered in abundance, and indulge in the opportunity to catch up with friends and family. The great topic of conversation at court that summer was the question of the Queen’s marriage. Elizabeth was now thirty-one, and had been Queen for nearly seven years. Despite numerous attempts to coax her into matrimony with a number of suitors, she had remained unmarried. The Imperial ambassador, Guzmán de Silva, made his feelings on the matter clear in a report to his master:
I do not think anything is more enjoyable to this Queen than treating of marriage, although she assures me herself that nothing annoys her more. She is vain, and would like all the world to be running after her, but it will probably end in her remaining as she is, unless she marry Lord Robert, who is still doing his best to win her.19
The Earl of Leicester had not given up hope of obtaining the Queen’s hand, but the name on everyone’s lips at court that summer was not his. It was instead that of the Archduke Charles of Styria, the son of the Holy Roman Emperor, Ferdinand I.20 This proposed match dominated court politics between 1564 and 1568, and would have been a topic that Lettice herself would have taken a great interest in.
Even so, the Queen’s relationship with the Earl of Leicester remained the subject of gossip. Leicester still loved her, but for Elizabeth her former ardour for him had somewhat cooled: although she relied on Leicester and enjoyed his company, her sense of reason had now set in. As a prospective suitor, Leicester’s candidature was unpopular, not least with Elizabeth’s advisors. William Cecil, determined to pour cold water on the idea once and for all, had drawn up a list of reasons why Leicester was an unsuitable candidate. These included the accusation that he was believed to be ‘inflamed by the death of his wife’, that he ‘is far in debt’, and that he ‘is like to prove unkind or jealous of the Queen’s majesty’.21 Cecil’s feelings became even clearer when he compared Leicester with the Archduke Charles. While Charles was the ‘brother of an Emperor’ and ‘an archduke born’, Leicester was ‘born a son of a knight’ and ‘an earl made’.22 Where Charles was wealthy and had enjoyed an education ‘amongst princes’, Leicester’s wealth was ‘all of the Queen and in debt’, and he had been educated ‘always in England’.23 Finally, in reputation Charles was ‘honoured of all named to the empire’, while Leicester was ‘hated of many’ by reason of ‘his wife’s death’.24 In Cecil’s eyes and those of many others, the ideal candidate for the Queen’s hand in marriage was clear, and he was determined that it ought not to be Leicester. The Queen still expected to be the centre of Leicester’s attentions, but, much to her irritation, his name was about to become associated with that of another lady.
IN AUGUST LETTICE was six months pregnant with her third child. As she whiled away the summer months back in the familiar surroundings of the court, listening to the Queen’s musicians or indulging in the twitterings of the ladies, she could never have expected to become the topic of gossip – or to attract the attentions of the Earl of Leicester. Lettice was already acquainted with Leicester, but how well the two knew one another at this point is unclear. Well enough, it seems, for Leicester to use Lettice in an experiment designed to push the Queen into action.
The matter of the Queen’s marriage had dragged on, and despite her hardened declaration to remain single at the time of her succession, she had since wavered in her resolve. Regardless of the talks and proposals that had been laid before her, though, she was still no nearer to taking a husband. Leicester’s candidature as a suitor for the hand of Mary, Queen of Scots, had given him fresh reason to hope that Elizabeth would consider him a worthy husband for herself, and although in her head she may have made a decision, she gave him reason to retain his hope. He was impatient, however, for her to give him an answer. According to the Imperial ambassador, Guzmán de Silva, that summer Leicester had become engaged in a conversation with Sir Nicholas Throckmorton on the subject
.25 De Silva related that, on Throckmorton’s advice Leicester had decided to ‘devise some means to find out whether the Queen was really as much attached to him as she appeared to be, as his case was in danger’.26 In order to ascertain the truth of the matter, Throckmorton had advised Leicester to pretend ‘to fall in love himself with one of the ladies in the palace and watch how the Queen took it’.27 Eager to ascertain Elizabeth’s feelings once and for all, ‘The Earl took his advice and showed attention to the Viscountess of Hereford, who is one of the best-looking ladies of the court and daughter of a first cousin to the Queen, with whom she is a favourite.’28
The origins of Lettice and Leicester’s relationship are often placed at this point, but aside from the report of Guzmán de Silva there is no evidence to corroborate this, and it is highly unlikely. Though it is true that there is rarely no smoke without fire, this may have been one of those instances. That Leicester genuinely found Lettice attractive seems likely – probable in fact, given their later relationship – but at this time she was a married woman whose pregnant state was obvious. Pregnant women were taboo, and were generally not considered to be desirable. Similarly, no matter what Lettice’s physical appeal may have been, Leicester himself had his sights for the moment set very firmly in the Queen’s direction. He doubtless flirted with Lettice and may have gained some enjoyment from doing so, but his true motives lay elsewhere. His intentions towards Lettice were harmless, and he was using her in order to establish the true nature of the Queen’s feelings for him.
There is no indication as to how Lettice reacted to Leicester’s attentiveness, but there is certainly no evidence to support the claim that ‘Leicester’s approaches were received with ardour’.29 Elizabeth’s reaction is far clearer. Predictably, ‘The Queen was in a great temper and upbraided him’ for his behaviour.30 She was incensed, and admonished him for ‘his flirting with the Viscountess in very bitter words’.31 Leicester did not take kindly to this, and according to de Silva:
He went down to his apartments and stayed there for three or four days until the Queen sent for him, the Earl of Sussex and Cecil having tried to smooth the business over, although they are no friends of Lord Robert in their hearts. The result of the tiff was that both the Queen and Robert shed tears, and he has returned to his former favour.
Some writers have dismissed this story as nothing more than a rumour, but however exaggerated it may have been, there are likely to be some elements of truth to it. Elizabeth may not have wished to marry Leicester herself, but one thing was startlingly clear: she would not tolerate having to compete for his attention with any other woman. Historian Elizabeth Jenkins’ claim that in order to resume the Queen’s favour Leicester had to give up Lettice – ‘some desirable objects cost too much’ – is untrue, for it is highly unlikely that Leicester viewed Lettice as anything more than a harmless flirtation at this point.32 Elizabeth assuredly had no need to fear that she had incurred a rival at this time: Leicester loved her, and though the nature of his feelings towards her may have changed over time, she would always come first.
How this episode affected Lettice and Walter is unknown. No mention is made of any hostility from the Queen towards Lettice, which suggests that her involvement in the scene was perceived to be minimal. From what would shortly transpire, however, it is evident that, before long, all was not well between Walter and Leicester. Whether Lettice was a factor in this is impossible to say.
AT THE END of the summer Lettice and Walter left the court and any gossip behind them, as Lettice prepared to begin her confinement. On 10 November, just days after her twenty-second birthday, she was triumphant; she had delivered her husband the best possible gift: a son. According to Bourchier Devereux, the baby was born at Netherwood in Herefordshire, a view that The Complete Peerage concurs with.33 Netherwood was a Devereux holding, so it is possible that the child was born there.34 There has been controversy over both the date and year of the birth of Lettice’s first-born son, and other historians have variously cited it as 19 November 1566 and 10 November 1567, but 10 November 1565 is generally accepted to be the correct date.35
The proud parents of Walter’s son and heir had also settled upon a godfather: Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, whom the baby was named after.36 Given the summer’s scandal, Leicester’s selection may seem like an odd choice, but there was plainly no hostility between the two parties at this point. It may even have been a deliberate choice in order to highlight this to outsiders, firmly putting any gossip to bed. Leicester took an active interest in his godson, and it is probable that he sent him a christening gift. Although Leicester’s accounts for the year of Robert’s birth are missing, his surviving accounts reveal that he made christening gifts to other noble children. These were often silver salts or something comparable, and young Robert is likely to have received a similar token.37 As Lettice’s baby son lay in his cradle, she could have had no idea that in years to come both of them would become intimately linked to Robert’s godfather.
The significance of Robert’s birth was that, besides providing her husband with a male heir, Lettice had produced ‘a well balanced Tudor family’.38 She now had three children, and their care was to occupy much of her time over the coming years. At home, a nursery staff were employed to oversee the majority of the Devereux children’s everyday care, which included wet-nurses to suckle them when they were babies, and perhaps a governess as they grew.39 Lettice also played an active role in their upbringing. She doted on her children, and her strength of character meant that she was always going to take a keen interest in their welfare, as is attested to in the way in which she spoke about them in her letters. They were probably raised in a similar kind of environment to the one that she had enjoyed during her childhood, and the siblings grew to be close to one another. Penelope and Robert were particularly fond of one another and in adulthood would work closely together, while Dorothy signed her letters to her brother in the most affectionate of terms: ‘your sister that faithfully loves you’, she once wrote.40
All three of Lettice’s children began their education at home, overseen by their mother. Their father was eager that they should be raised as fervent Protestants, a decision that met with the approval of their grandfather, Sir Francis Knollys. Walter and Lettice both appreciated the value of a good education, and as such they invested heavily in the lessons of their children.
Robert’s first tutor was Thomas Ashton, a devoted Protestant who entered Walter’s service in 1571. Ashton was a Cambridge scholar who had been appointed headmaster of Shrewsbury School in 1561, where his pupils included the Earl of Leicester’s nephew, Sir Philip Sidney.41 He was therefore an excellent choice of tutor for the Herefords’ heir. Robert proved to be an apt pupil, and in 1576 Walter’s secretary Edward Waterhouse informed Cecil, by then Lord Burghley, that Robert ‘can express his mind in Latin and French, as well as in English, very courteous and modest, rather disposed to hear than to answer, given greatly to learning, weak and tender, but very comely and bashful’.42 In his youth, a very deliberate decision was made to expose Robert to Puritan influences, and it had a marked effect upon his later beliefs. He would later invite Puritan ministers to preach at Essex House, his London residence.43 Lettice herself would also have a noticeable impact on her son, and Robert’s biographer Robert Lacey was not wrong when he wrote that ‘The one adult who really shaped the young Earl of Essex, if anyone did, was his forceful, flirtatious mother Lettice.’44
Penelope and Dorothy did not share in their brother’s lessons, but their parents considered their education to be equally important. Lettice in particular took her daughters’ upbringing seriously, and another Cambridge scholar, Mathias Holmes, was employed to teach them. As Lettice herself later related, Holmes was the one ‘that teacheth my daughters’, and hath done since they began first to learn’.45 Holmes had been in Lettice’s household for some time – in 1577 Lettice informed Lord Burghley that he ‘hath served my Lord and me these dozen or thirteen years’, although in
what capacity is unclear. Lettice held him in high regard, and she and Walter evidently knew him well enough to entrust him with their daughters’ lessons.46
The girls’ learning focused on all of the social skills that were required in aristocratic circles, and probably bore great similarities to the education Lettice had enjoyed. Penelope stood out as having an especially keen mind, and became fluent in both French and Spanish. She also understood some Italian. When the translator Bartholomew Young dedicated his translation of Diana of de Montemayor to Penelope in 1598, he wrote not only of her ‘magnificent mind’, but of her ‘perfect knowledge’ of French, and acknowledged that Spanish was a language that was ‘so well known’ to her.47 Of Lettice’s two daughters it was Penelope who was the darling; it was she who earned the admiration and praise of those who met her, for she could sing and dance beautifully, played the lute to perfection, and was applauded for her intellect. Even King James VI of Scotland was impressed, and later ‘commended much the fineness of her wit’.48 She was certainly a daughter to be proud of. Penelope would grow to be a great patron of the arts, and like the Earl of Leicester, would find herself the dedicatee of many works in return. Neither were they alone, for in 1570 Lettice would have been proudly able to show her children a work that had been dedicated to her.
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