in the Time of Alexander the Great,” CP 72 (1977), pp. 91–107.
17 parties were famous See chapter 25, p. 239, for one fourth-century historian’s observations
about the sexual practices of some of Philip’s companions at his court.
18 against the Greeks Herodotus, 9.44.1.
18 the Axius and Strymon Rivers For the details of Macedonian history during the period, see
Hornblower (1983), p. 74ff.
18 the late fifth century Hornblower (1983), p. 79.
18 many Macedonian nobles Diodorus, 16.2.4; Hornblower (1983), p. 239.
18 given the situation Hornblower (1983), p. 239.
18 Philip II of Macedon Hammond, N., Philip of Macedon (Baltimore, 1994).
19 in Greek history Lloyd, A., “Philip II and Alexander the Great: The Moulding of Macedon’s
Army,” in Battle in Antiquity, ed. A. Lloyd (London, 1996), pp. 169–198.
19 torsion catapults Marsden, E., “Macedonian Military Machinery and Its Designers Under Philip
and Alexander,” in Ancient Macedonia, volume 2 (Thessaloniki, 1977), pp. 211–223, arguing that it
was really under Philip’s direction and subsidization that the major advances in the construction of
torsion stone-throwers were made. Philip’s engineers developed artillery that could project ten-
pound stones more than fifteen hundred feet.
19 Argive-style ( hoplon ) Anglim et al. (2002), p. 18.
19 constituted a phalanx For general issues, see Adcock, F., The Greek and Macedonian Art of
War (Berkeley, 1957); Anderson, J., Military Theory and Practice in the Age of Xenophon
(Berkeley, 1970); Anglim et al. (2002), pp. 17–28.
19 Foot Companions Bosworth (1988), p. 259.
19 called the Companions Devine, A., “Alexander the Great,” in Warfare in the Ancient World, ed.
J. Hackett (New York, 1989), p. 105.
19 was affirmed Lloyd, A., “Philip II and Alexander the Great: The Moulding of Macedon’s Army,”
in Battle in Antiquity, ed. A. Lloyd (London, 1996), pp. 169–198.
20 made of straw Anglim et al. (2002), p. 36.
20 abdomen and groin Anglim et al. (2002), p. 19.
20 close combat Anglim et al. (2002), p. 36.
20 slung over the left shoulder Anglim et al. (2002), p. 36.
20 the sarissa Hammond (1997), p. 13.
20 held with one hand Hammond (1997), p. 13.
20 around fourteen pounds Devine, A., “Alexander the Great,” in Warfare in the Ancient World,
ed. J. Hackett (New York, 1989), p. 106.
20 Polybius observed Polybius, Histories, 18.29.5.
20 men in front Polybius, Histories, 18.29.3.
20 as a unit Bosworth (1988), p. 259.
20 called a taxis Bosworth (1988), p. 259.
21 basis within Macedonia Bosworth (1988), p. 259.
21 Greek infantry Around 7,000 crossed over to Asia with Alexander in 334.
21 Thracians, Triballians, and Illyrians Bosworth (1988), pp. 264–265; 7,000 of these infantrymen
served in the army Alexander brought to Asia.
21 consisted of Macedonians Arrian, 3.12.3.
21 javelin men, as well Arrian, 1.28.4, 6.8.7.
21 “rapid movement” Bosworth (1988), p. 263.
21 archers from Macedon Arrian, 3.12.2.
21 organized into chiliarchies Arrian, 2.9.3, 4.24.10.
21 lines of its enemies Anglim et al. (2002), p. 33.
21 decisive offensive thrust Anglim et al. (2002), p. 33.
22 modern mounts Anglim et al. (2002), pp. 93–94. For a detailed discussion of Greek horses, see
the interesting work of Gaebel, R., Cavalry Operations in the Ancient Greek World (Norman, 2002),
pp. 19–43.
22 the Middle Ages Anglim et al. (2002), pp. 92–93; Gaebel, R., Cavalry Operations in the
Ancient Greek World (Norman, 2002), pp. 11–12.
22 mounts in combat Anglim et al. (2002), p. 93. Gaebel, R., Cavalry Operations in the Ancient
Greek World (Norman, 2002), pp. 10–15 on ancient horsemanship.
22 Companions, mentioned above Brunt, P., “Alexander’s Macedonian Cavalry,” JHS 83 (1963),
pp. 27–46; Hammond, N., “Cavalry Recruited in Macedonia Down to 322 B.C.,” Historia 47 (1998),
pp. 404–425; Anglim et al. (2002), p. 99.
22 fought on horseback Bosworth (1988), p. 261.
23 recruited regionally Bosworth (1988), p. 261.
23 larger blade at its back end Confusingly, this weapon is also sometimes identified in the sources
as a sarissa. But the primary offensive weapon of the Macedonian Companion cavalryman cannot
have been the same as the longer, heavier pike of the Companion infantry. No rider on earth could
have wielded a sixteen-foot-long pike with one hand effectively, while riding on horseback, without a
saddle or stirrups. The weapon of the Companion cavalryman was essentially a shorter lance-type
weapon, which could be held with one hand. For the controversies surrounding the terminology, see
Manti, P., “The Macedonian Sarissa, Again,” AncW 25, no. 1 (1994), pp. 77–91.
23 central, balance point Anglim et al. (2002), p. 99.
23 the kausia Bosworth (1988), p. 262.
23 cover a retreat Anglim et al. (2002), p. 99.
23 into the enemy’s weak points Anglim et al. (2002), p. 99.
23 during pitched battle Bosworth (1988), p. 262.
24 lightly armed cavalry units Arrian, 4.4.6; Bosworth (1988), p. 262.
24 deployed alongside them Arrian, 3.8.1; Bosworth (1988), p. 265.
24 left wing of the Macedonian line Bosworth (1988), p. 264.
24 defensive combat Anglim et al. (2002), p. 99.
24 to pay them Arrian, 3.25.4; Bosworth (1988), pp. 265–266.
25 little choice but to fight Bosworth (1988), p. 16.
25 broke through the allies’ line Diodorus, 16.86.3.
25 “Sacred Band” of Thebes Diodorus, 16.86.1–6. For the destruction of the Sacred Band, see
Rahe, P., “The Annihilation of the Sacred Band at Chaeronea,” AJA 85 (1981), pp. 84–87. Surveying
the corpses of all 300 members of the unit heaped up together along with their armor on the battlefield
of Chaeronea, Philip is said by Plutarch, Life of Pelopidas, 18.7, to have wept and exclaimed, “Let
those who think these men did or suffered anything disgraceful die miserably.”
25 alliance with Macedon Diodorus, 16.87.3.
26 oligarchy was imposed on them Diodorus, 16.87.3.
26 other strategic locations Bosworth (1988), pp. 16–17.
26 but for implementation Hammond (1997), p. 20.
26 declare war on Persia Hammond (1997), p. 20.
26 the invasion of 480 Diodorus, 16.89.2–3.
26 became regent Heckel, W., The Marshals of Alexander’s Empire (London, 1992), pp. 13–23.
26 Parmenio Plutarch, Moralia, 177c.
26 autumn of the same year Hammond (1997), p. 20.
CHAPTER 4 The Assassination of Philip II
28 a tawdry affair Diodorus, 16.91.1–95.5; Badian, E., “The Death of Philip II,” Phoenix 17
(1963), pp. 244–250; also Hammond, N., “The End of Philip,” in Philip of Macedon, ed. M.
Hatzopoulos and L. Loukopoulos (Athens, 1980), pp. 166–175; Develin, R., “The Murder of Philip
II,” Antichthon 15 (1981), pp. 86–99; and Ellis, J., “The Assassination of Philip II,” in Ancient
Macedonian Studies in Honor of Charles Edson, ed. H. Dell (Thessaloniki, 1981), pp. 99–137.
28 wife number eight Hammond (1997), pp. 21–22.
28 niece of Attalus Plutarch, 9.4–5.
28 the Macedonian army For Attalus’ biography, see Heckel, W., The Marshals of Alexander’s
Empire (Lo
ndon, 1992), no. 1.1, pp. 4–5.
28 “that the union” Plutarch, 9.4, translation from Scott-Kilvert (1973), p. 261.
29 biographies of Alexander In a world in which ethnic differences were seen as contributing to
inherited characteristics, such issues were extremely important.
29 “Wretch, do you” Plutarch, 9.4.
29 at Attalus Plutarch, 9.4.
29 “Look, men, here” Plutarch, 9.5.
29 irreconcilably alienated For the events, see Hammond (1997), p. 23.
29 left for Illyria Plutarch, 9.5.
29 the satrap’s eldest daughter Plutarch, 10.1. For an in-depth interpretation, see Hatzopoulos, M.,
“A Reconsideration of the Pixodarus Affair,” in Macedonia and Greece in Late Classical and Early
Hellenistic Times (Washington, D.C., 1982), pp. 59–66. Hammond (1997), p. 24, dismisses the entire
episode as false, but confirmation of its effects is certainly accepted by Arrian, 3.6.5, in a passage
connected to Asia Minor.
29 replace him as heir Plutarch, 10.1.
29 the bridegroom instead Plutarch, 10.2.
29 (the King of Persia) Plutarch, 10.3.
29 and Ptolemy After Philip’s assassination in 336, Alexander recalled these men and eventually
elevated them all to the highest honors; see Plutarch, 10.3.
30 liberate the Greek cities of Asia Minor Diodorus, 16.91.2.
30 “Wreathed in the bull” Diodorus, 16.91.2, translation from Welles (1963), p. 89.
30 (Olympias’ brother) Diodorus, 16.91.4.
31 war against Persia Diodorus, 16.91.6.
31 up for trial Diodorus, 16.92.1–2.
31 Your thoughts reach Diodorus, 16.92.3, translation from Welles (1963), p. 93. The ode
Neoptolemus sang perhaps came from a lost tragedy of Aeschylus. After the assassination, the
meaning and significance of the ode was reinterpreted.
32 along with a thirteenth—of himself Diodorus, 16.92.5. For the scholarly debates about whether
Philip already had been awarded divine honors, see Fredricksmeyer, E., “Divine Honours for Philip
II,” TAPA 109 (1979), pp. 39–61.
32 guard of spearmen Diodorus, 16.93.1.
32 Alexander of Epirus Justin, 9.6.3–4.
32 a certain Pausanias Fears, J., “Pausanias, the Assassin of Philip II,” Athenaeum 53 (1975), pp.
111–135.
32 from Orestis A region in western Macedonia, bordering on Illyria.
32 Celtic dagger Diodorus, 16.94.3.
32 on the spot According to Justin, 9.8.1, Philip was forty-seven years old at his death.
32 pursued the assassin Not Attalus, the uncle of the Kleopatra Philip had married, but another
Attalus, the son of a certain Andromenes.
32 with their javelins Diodorus, 16.94.4.
33 canton of Lyncestis Arrian, 1.25.1–2.
33 “to accept the” Diodorus, 16.93.3–4, translation from Welles (1963), p. 97.
33 meant for him Diodorus, 16.93.5–6.
33 to abuse Diodorus, 16.93.7.
33 among the guards Diodorus, 16.93.8–9.
33 avenged him Diodorus, 16.94.1.
33 insolence, violence, or rape Aristotle, Politics, 5.1311.b.2.
34 after the assassination Arrian, 1.25.2; Justin, 11.2.2.
34 “both of whom” Arrian, 1.25.1.
34 at the tumulus of Philip Justin, 11.2.1.
34 escaped his brothers’ fate In addition to his immediate indications of loyalty to Alexander,
Alexander of Lyncestis perhaps did not share the fate of his brothers because of his marriage to a
daughter of Antipater, one of Alexander’s chief supporters: see Curtius, 7.1.7; Justin, 11.7.1, 12.14.1.
34 following the assassination Grenfell, B., and A. Hunt, The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, volume 15
(London, 1927), no. 1798, pp. 122–135. The papyrus plant grew mainly on the swamplands of lower
Egypt and especially the Nile Delta. It was used by the Egyptians and the Greeks in Egypt as a writing
material. Its later Greek name, pápuros, means “of the pharaoh,” which suggests that its manufacture
and marketing were a royal monopoly. The Greeks used rolls of papyrus sheets made from cut and
glued sections of the plant for both documentary and literary texts. For the interpretation of the P. Oxy.
1798, see Hammond, N., “Philip’s Tomb in Historical Context,” GRBS 19 (1978), esp. pp. 343–349;
and for a more conservative edition of the text, see Parsons, P., “The Burial of Philip II,” AJAH 4
(1979), pp. 97–101.
34 “was murdered by assassins” Arrian, 2.14.5, translation from Sélincourt (1971), p. 127; cf.
Curtius, 4.1.12.
35 to his revenge Plutarch, 10.4.
35 “the giver of the bride” Plutarch, 10.4.
35 Medea’s example Plutarch, 10.4.
36 the king had been stabbed According to Valerius Maximus 1.8.9 (whose work, Memorable
Deeds and Sayings in Nine Books, composed during the reign of Tiberius, 14–37 C.E., drew upon
Pompeius Trogus), there was an engraving of a four-horse chariot on the weapon with which
Pausanias killed Philip.
36 being proven innocent Justin, 9.7.1–14.
36 a single toast cost him his life Diodorus, 17.5.1–2.
37 most experienced soldiers Heckel, W., The Marshals of Alexander’s Empire (London, 1992),
pp. 38–49.
37 “moved to recover” Diodorus, 17.3.1–5, translation adapted from Welles (1963), p. 125.
37 and with flattery Diodorus, 17.4.1–3.
37 “tardy recognition” Diodorus, 17.4.6, translation from Welles (1963), p. 127.
38 expedition against Persia Diodorus, 17.4.9.
38 that his father had planned None of the contemporary sources for Alexander’s campaigns seems
to have questioned or even reflected seriously upon the professed justification for the war. There are
perhaps two reasons for this.
First, wars in the Greek world often were justified by writers in terms of the requital of harm done
by enemies in the past. That tradition, in fact, went right back to Homer and the very origins of Greek
literary culture. By Alexander’s day the idea of a war of revenge certainly was a literary cliché, if not
an accepted fact of interstate relations.
Moreover, war waged for the sake of revenge did not exclude other motives for imperialism, such
as the desire for material gain. In fact, ancient Greek and Roman writers usually took it for granted
that war was waged for the sake of gain, whatever those who waged it said about their reasons for
going to war. The benefits of warfare, like those of slavery, were taken for granted. Revenge and gain
were not mutually exclusive motives for Alexander and his Greek allies. For the main points, see
Austin, M., “Alexander and the Macedonian Invasion of Asia,” in War and Society in the Greek
World, ed. J. Rich and G. Shipley (London, 1993), pp. 197–223.
38 Diogenes of Sinope Plutarch, 14.1–3, for the encounter.
38 “If I were not Alexander” Plutarch, 14.3.
38 Triballi and the Illyrians Arrian, 1.1.4.
39 died in Illyria Arrian, 1.7.2.
39 Alexander was dead Arrian, 1.7.6.
39 arrived in Boeotia Arrian, 1.7.6.
39 pardon in return Plutarch, 11.4.
39 Philotas and Antipater Plutarch, 11.4.
39 30,000 were captured Diodorus, 17.14.1.
39 public slavery Plutarch, 11.6.
39 were spared Plutarch, 11.6.
40 to leave Thebes Plutarch, 12.1–3.
40 the house of Pindar Diodorus, 17.14.4; Arrian, 1.9.10.
CHAPTER 5 The Spear-Won Prize of Asia
41 and the Muses Diodorus, 17.16.4.
41 among the Greeks Diodorus, 17.17.5.
41 to the city of Sestos in twenty days Arrian, 1.11.5.
41 approximately 5,100 cavalry Diodorus, 17.17.3–4.
41 crack hypaspistai Devine, A., “Alexander the Great,” in Warfare in the Ancient World, ed. J.
Hackett (New York, 1989), p. 105.
41 the advance force Diodorus, 17.7.10.
42 “plunging ahead from” Iliad, 2.698–702.
42 we are told Arrian, 1.11.5.
42 soon followed The shock of Alexander’s departure from the campaign’s symbolic script of a
Greek war of revenge after the death of Darius must have been considerable to those who had helped
Alexander plan and act out the scenes of the script (such as the visit to Troy).
42 of the flagship Arrian, 1.11.6.
42 propitiate the Nereids Arrian, 1.11.6.
42 a pair of fetters Herodotus, 7.35.1; the fetters were meant to bind the uncooperative body of
water.
43 in the ground Diodorus, 17.17.2.
43 by the gods Diodorus, 17.17.2.
43 by divine will For a similar argument, see Hammond, N., “The Kingdom of Asia and the Persian
Throne,” Antichthon 20 (1986), pp. 73–85.
43 landed in Asia Arrian, 1.11.7.
43 “put pains thousandfold” Iliad, 1.1–4.
43 to the heroes Plutarch, 15.4.
43 grave of Achilles Plutarch, 15.4.
43 grave with garlands Plutarch, 15.4.
43 tomb of Patroklos Arrian, 1.12.1.
43 brought up with Alexander Curtius, 3.12.16.
43 Philip’s royal pages For a very complete summary of what is known about Hephaestion, see
Heckel, W., The Marshals of Alexander’s Empire (London, 1992), pp. 65–90.
43 “without Alexander’s favor” Plutarch, 47.6.
43 all Alexander’s friends Curtius, 3.12.16.
43 loved Alexander Plutarch, 47.5.
44 before the king Arrian, 1.11.8.
44 from the temple Arrian, 6.10.2, 6.11.1.
44 (that is, Alexander himself) Hammond (1997), p. 64.
44 the Aesepus River Arrian, 1.12.8.
44 (Hellespontine) Phrygia Arrian, 1.12.8.
45 also native levies Arrian, 1.14.4.
45 avoid military engagement Arrian, 1.12.9.
45 military confrontation Arrian, 1.12.9.
45 for thirty days Plutarch, 15.1, quoting Duris.
45 town of Dimetoka For an in-depth scholarly analysis of the battle, see Devine, A., “A Pawn-
Alexander Page 39