by Eric Flint
The building's basement, just as was true of the city's official Rathaus, was given over to a huge tavern. And, just as with the one in the basement of the Rathaus on Hans Richter Strasse—or the now famous Thuringen Gardens in Grantville—that tavern was a social and political center.
German traditions of self-organization were already deeply rooted. The up-time Americans, smugly certain as Americans so often were that their own customs were unique, had been surprised to discover the ubiquitous town and city militias with their accompanying shooting clubs. They'd thought the tradition of armed self-defense—not to mention the National Rifle Association—to be quintessentially American.
The up-timers could claim considerable credit for inspiring some of the rapidly growing voluntary associations, true enough, especially the trade unions and the credit unions. Others seemed to them somewhat outlandish. Americans were certainly familiar with sports clubs, but they were quite unaccustomed to seeing such clubs—as with most of the insurance cooperatives—so closely associated with a political movement. But they would have been perfectly familiar to the German Social Democrats of the nineteenth century who had surrounded their powerful political party with such organizations.
Gretchen herself took the situation for granted, including the informal give-and-take between the CoC headquarters and the Rathaus. At any given time of the day or night, you were just as likely to find a city sanitation official discussing his business with CoC activists in their tavern as you were to find CoC activists in the tavern at the Rathaus wrangling over issues involving the city militias with one of the mayor's deputies.
She'd experienced that sort of informal dual power before, during the siege of Amsterdam. There, too, the CoC she'd organized had been as much the center of authority as the city's official government. And the reason had been much the same: military weakness on the part of the official authorities combined with very real if often informal military strength on the part of the radical plebeians.
When Gretchen entered the meeting room and saw the uncertain and dubious expression on the face of the woman from the Vogtland, it was obvious to her that the Vogtlander did not know what to make of it all. Gretchen was not surprised. The Vogtland, because of its terrain and being under Saxon control, had been isolated from the political developments which had transformed much of the Germanies since the Ring of Fire. The region had shared in those developments, true. In some ways, in fact, the political struggle was even sharper than most places, especially since the Saxon elector had placed Holk in charge of pacifying the region. But the Vogtlander rebels were programmatically limited—"down with the elector!" pretty much summed it up—and were tactically one-sided.
Gretchen took her seat across the table from the Vogtland woman, whose name was Anna Piesel. She was apparently betrothed to Georg Kresse, the recognized leader of the Vogtland rebellion. Tata sat down beside her.
Gretchen had to be careful here. The Committees of Correspondence were the largest and best-known—certainly the best-financed and organized—of Europe's revolutionary organizations. But they were not the only one. In Franconia, for instance, the dominant organization was the Ram movement.
The CoCs were the only revolutionary organization with a national scope, even an international one. So it was inevitable that they would overshadow the other groups, all of whom were regional in character. In times past, overbearing attitudes by CoC activists ignoring local conditions had produced some bad clashes. Gretchen had had to intervene personally in one such conflict, in Suhl, when the local CoC tried to run roughshod over the gun manufacturers who, whatever their political faults, still commanded the loyalty and confidence of the city's population.
The situation in the Vogtland presented a similar problem. There was no question that Kresse's movement had the support and allegiance of most people in the region who were opposed to the elector's rule. Unfortunately, from what Gretchen and the other national CoC leaders could determine, Kresse had a tendency to see political problems through a military lens. That was perhaps inevitable, given the origins of the movement and the conditions in southwestern Saxony. But while that sort of almost-exclusively military approach might work well enough in the mountains of the Vogtland, it was an insufficient basis for establishing a new political regime in the region as a whole.
Saxony was not the Vogtland. Dresden and Leipzig were major cities, cultural as well as population centers. The university at Leipzig, in fact, was the second-oldest in the Germanies. It had been founded in 1409 and was still very prominent, especially in law.
There was simply no way that a movement based in the Vogtland, and one whose approach was almost entirely military, was going to provide the basis for replacing the rule of the elector with a Saxon republic. On their own, Kresse and his people didn't even have the military strength to overthrow John George. They certainly didn't have the political experience and acumen to handle the situation that would be produced in Saxony if—as Gretchen and all the CoC leaders assumed was going to happen—Gustav Adolf crushed the Saxon army in the coming war.
What then? The same guerrilla tactics that worked well enough against a general like Holk would not work against the sort of military administration the Swedes would set up in Saxony. Gustav Adolf did not rule like John George—and, perhaps more directly to the point, would not try to suppress the Vogtland using the methods of Heinrich Holk. Dealing with him was like dealing with Fredrik Hendrik, the prince of Orange in the Low Countries—or the new Spanish king, for that matter. Such men were not brutes, and they were willing to make accommodations when necessary. Sometimes they were even allies.
On the other hand . . .
There would be no way to move forward in Saxony in opposition to Kresse and his people, either. Nor would it be correct to do so. Whatever their flaws and limitations, their unyielding struggle against dynasticism and aristocratic rule deserved respect.
Anna Piesel had been scrutinizing her since Gretchen entered the room. She'd barely glanced at Tata. Now she spoke abruptly.
"So, what's your answer? Will you come to Dresden?"
As they'd prearranged, Spartacus answered that question.
"She can't, Anna. From everything we've been able to determine, Wilhelm Wettin is planning to force a drastic reactionary program onto the USE. When that happens, there'll be an explosion—and it'll be centered here in Magdeburg. There's simply no way we could allow such a central leader as Gretchen to leave the capital right now."
Piesel got a pinched look on her face, her eyes narrow. Now Gretchen spoke, gesturing with her hand toward Tata.
"But here's what we can do. We'll send a team of organizers into Dresden with Tata here in charge."
Piesel shifted her narrow gaze to Tata. "And who's she?"
Tata looked uncomfortable. Spartacus's eyes widened and his lips tightened, as if distressed that anyone could be so ignorant but too polite to say so.
Gunther Achterhof just chuckled. "We figure if she can persuade a duke to turn over an entire duchy, she can handle the aftermath of the elector's defeat well enough."
Piesel's eyes got wide also. Obviously, although the name hadn't registered, she'd heard the story.
"Oh," she said, after a couple of seconds. Then she gave Tata a shy smile. "Well. I guess that would be okay."
After Piesel left, Tata turned to Gretchen. "This is crazy. I don't have enough experience. And that story's silly and you know it."
Achterhof waved his hand. "Stop worrying, girl. We really are sending a team of good organizers, headed by Joachim Kappel. You'll do fine. Just listen to Joachim."
"Why don't you put him in charge, then?"
"Nobody except us has ever heard of him," said Spartacus. "You're famous."
"It's a silly story," she insisted.
Gunther shrugged. "Most stories are. But people still like to listen to them."
Chapter 10
Northeast of Halle, not far from the Saxon border
The countr
yside between Magdeburg and Saxony reminded Mike Stearns of the American Midwest, except for the absence of corn and soybeans. The crops being grown were different, but the terrain was much the same—flat, and consisting mostly of open farmland but with quite a few wooded areas scattered about. None of the woods could really be called forests, though.
There was one other big difference from the Midwest, but that was not peculiar to this area. It was a common feature throughout central Europe, and Mike suspected you'd find it in most other places in Europe. Unlike the twentieth-century American farm countryside he'd known, with its many scattered individual farmhouses, central European farmers in the seventeenth century all lived in small towns and villages. The farmland itself was largely barren of inhabitants, except during the day when people were working in the fields. By and large, the collective methods and village traditions of the middle ages still applied to farm labor in the German countryside.
To the farmers themselves, at any rate, if not necessarily the aristocracy. Seventeenth-century Germany was no longer in any real sense of the term a feudal society. Labor relations might have resisted change, but the same was not true of property relations. In the year 1635, a landlord was just as likely to be a burgher or a well-off farmer as a nobleman—and still more likely to be an institution of some kind rather than a person: a corporation, a city council, a trust, whatever. Still, farmers lived in villages, not in separated and isolated farmhouses; and still, in many ways, worked the land in common.
His musings were interrupted by one of his staff officers, Colonel Christopher Long, who came riding up bearing some new dispatches.
"Anything important?" he asked.
The young colonel shook his head. "Nothing that can't wait until we make camp this evening."
The English officer was a professional soldier who'd come to Magdeburg to join the USE army—not the Swedish forces directly under Gustav Adolf, as did most mercenaries from the British Isles. The reason, Mike had discovered from a conversation a few days earlier, was that Long had been in Spanish service when the Spaniards invading Thuringia had been defeated by the Americans near Eisenach.
In fact, the Englishman was one of the survivors of the destruction of the Wartburg. His depiction of the nightmare of trying to escape the castle as it was being consumed by napalm bombs was horrific, for all that he recounted the tale in a matter-of-fact manner. He'd come away from the experience convinced that the trade of war was about to undergo a drastic transformation—and thus had placed himself at the service of those who seemed to be the principal agents of that change.
In the world Mike had come from, Long's behavior would have bordered on treason. But nationalism and twentieth-century notions of patriotism were just beginning to emerge from dynasticism, in the seventeenth century. Long's pragmatic attitude was the norm for professional soldiers in this day and age, not the exception. The only thing that made Long unusual was that, unlike most mercenary officers, he was quite willing to accept the rambunctious behavior of the CoC-influenced enlisted soldiers in the USE army, as the price for gaining the experience he wanted.
After handing over the dispatches, Long studied Mike for a moment and then said: "Your horsemanship is very good, General Stearns. I'm surprised. I'd have thought you'd ride like the average American."
Mike smiled. "Badly, you mean."
The tall blond officer shook his head. "That would be unfair. I've found that most Americans—assuming they ride horses at all, that is—are reasonably competent at the business. No worse than most farmers and townsmen. But that's a long way short of the sort of horsemanship you need to be a cavalryman."
Mike's eyes widened with alarm. "Cavalryman? I thought I was a general. Sit on a horse—way back, you understand—and give orders."
"Alas, no. Even with the radios we have, I'm afraid command methods haven't changed all that much and probably won't for some time." Long's grin seemed a bit on the evil side. "The casualty rate among officers in this day and age—oh, yes, generals too—is usually no better than it is for infantrymen and artillerymen and considerably worse than it is for cavalrymen."
That was definitely an evil smile. "The cavalry can run away, you see. Except the generals, who have to stand their ground and set a good example."
Mike had already discovered that Long's casual joking with his commanding officer was normal in the army. Whether that was due to seventeenth-century custom or the egalitarian influence of the rank and file soldiers, he didn't know. Some of both, he expected.
He wasn't going to inquire, though, because whatever the source the attitude suited him just fine. Mike had every intention of succeeding—excelling, actually—at his new occupation. He'd done well at everything he'd turned his hand to in his life, and saw no reason to do otherwise here. But he was not a cocksure fool, either. There was no way a man in his late thirties with no training as an officer and whose only military experience had been a three-year term as an enlisted man in the peacetime U.S. army—twenty years back, to boot—was going to transform himself overnight into what Mike thought of as "a regular general."
Instead, he'd do it his way, by leaning heavily on those traits he already had which he thought would serve him in good stead as a military commander.
First, he was courageous. That wasn't conceit on his part, it was simply a matter-of-fact assessment. He'd faced enough physical threats in his life to know that his immediate reaction to danger was coolheadedness, not panic. He didn't think he was probably Medal-of-Honor material, but he didn't need that sort of superlative bravery. Just enough to keep calm in the middle of a battlefield and think clearly.
Second, he was a very capable leader—and leadership, he thought, probably translated well into any field of endeavor.
Third, he was an experienced organizer. That was, in fact, the channel through which his leadership abilities normally ran. He know how to command outright, and would do so when needed. But his preference and natural inclination was to assemble a capable team and work with them and through them. He saw no reason to think he couldn't do the same with the staff of an army.
One of the things that would require was a certain relaxation in his dealings with his subordinates. And if that sort of casualness would have appalled most of the officers Mike had known in his stint in the up-time army, so be it. He simply wasn't worried that familiarity would lead to contempt. Why should it? Nobody who'd ever gotten to know Mike Stearns in his first almost four decades of life had been contemptuous of him, not even his enemies. The only reason anyone would start now would be if Mike fumbled his new job.
Which, he had no intention of doing. It would be better to say, didn't even consider.
And that, of course, was Mike's fourth relevant trait. His wife Becky had once said—not entirely admiringly—"Michael, you have the self-confidence of a bull."
Well . . . Yes. He did.
"And yourself, Christopher? I wouldn't have imagined an Englishman would ride all that well, either. Your island being so small and all."
Long chuckled. "We're lazy. Why walk when you can make a dumb beast do most of the work? And then, of course, I was in Spanish service for a time. Your proper hidalgo considers it a point of honor to spend most of his life in a saddle. It's an infectious attitude, I found."
About fifty yards to the rear, and as many to the south—they were following parallel roads—Captain Jeff Higgins and his own staff were observing their commanding general.
Jeff's staff was much smaller, of course. It consisted of his adjutant, Lieutenant Eric Krenz, who like Jeff himself was too young and inexperienced for the job. General Schuster had promised Jeff that he'd have experienced and capable company commanders—and so he did. Every one of the battalion's captains was up-to-snuff. So, naturally, following the surrealistic logic that Jeff had decided was inherent to the military mind, they'd put two neophytes in charge.
At least Krenz had been in a battle before. A real one, too, not the sort of firefights and commando
raids that constituted the entirely of Jeff's experience. Eric had been part of the flying artillery unit that broke the French cavalry charge at the great battle of Ahrensbök.
"Why don't you ride a horse as well as Stearns does?" Krenz asked him, a sly smile on his face.
Jeff grunted. "Mike's a fricking athlete. Used to—voluntarily, mind you—slug it out with professional prizefighters. Won every fight, even. Me? I'm a fricking geek. Until the Ring of Fire planted me in this madhouse, my idea of physical exercise was rolling the dice in a Dungeons and Dragons game."
He didn't have to explain the reference. Eric Krenz was a natural-born geek himself, and had quickly acclimatized himself to the quirks of American custom. He and two other officers in the regiment, in fact, were planning to launch their own gaming company as soon as their terms of service expired. They intended to plunder Dungeons and Dragons lock, stock, and barrel. Why not? One of the legal principles that had been established by the parliament of the USE was that no copyrights, patents or trademarks for anything brought through the Ring of Fire were still valid except for ones held at the time by residents of Grantville who'd made the passage.
There were a few of those. Seven people were published authors; nothing fancy, just various articles in magazines or journals. Two people held patents for small inventions, Jere Haygood and Diana O'Connor. None of those did them any good, though. O'Connor's patent was for an esoteric aspect of business software which was irrelevant to anything in the here and now. Haygood's two patents were for minor gadgets that no one would probably have any use for until long after the patents expired. On the other hand, Haygood held several patents for devices he'd invented since the Ring of Fire—and the same law had established copyrights and patents for the here and now.