‘WHITE GIRL BLEED A LOT’
‘WHITE GIRL BLEED A LOT’
THE RETURN OF RACIAL VIOLENCE TO AMERICA
COLIN FLAHERTY
‘WHITE GIRL BLEED A LOT’
WND Books, Inc.
Washington, D.C.
Copyright © 2013
Colin Flaherty
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Printed in the United States of America
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
MESSAGE FROM THE AUTHOR
Throughout this book, you are going to see some odd little
symbols that look like they came from a Mayan temple.
These are the most important part of the book!
These symbols will take you to the videos that made this
book possible! Because without videos, no one would believe
that racial violence is as bad as it is.
Download the Scan app on your smartphone for free. Then, open the app, point the camera at the code and you’re done! No need to take a photo or press a “scan” button.
*In order to use Scan, your device must have a built-in camera. When scanning codes that redirect to online content (such as websites), you will need Internet connectivity.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION: There’s a Riot Going On
1 The Philadelphia Syndrome
2 The Knockout Game, St. Louis Style
3 Moms Fight Back
4 They Chose the Wrong Guy
5 Asian Targets
6 Happy Fourth of July
7 Let’s Party
8 Ground Zero: Chicago
9 Chicago: The Sequel
10 Confessions From a Network News Desk
11 Milwaukee
12 Iowa
13 Minneapolis
14 Confessions From a News Desk, Part 2
15 New York
16 Baltimore
17 Kansas City
18 Texas
19 New Jersey
20 Portland
21 Cleveland Tweets
22 South Carolina
23 Seattle
24 Public Transit
25 Hotlanta
26 100 Best Media Excuses
27 Flash Robs
28 Gay Violence
29 Granny Get Your Gun
30 Sports
31 Riverhead
32 Trayvon Martin Payback
33 No Report, No Crime
34 Voices of Sanity
35 “Salon” Goes After “White Girl”
36 Delaware
37 Michigan
38 A Roundup
39 We Get Letters From Reporters
40 The Kitchen Sink
APPENDIX: Find Your Own Race Riots
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
NOTES
INTRODUCTION
THERE’S A RIOT GOING ON
Racial violence is exploding across the country. Cops deny it.
Newspapers do too. Thank God for YouTube.
Racial violence is back.
In hundreds of episodes across the country since 2010, groups of black people are roaming the streets of America intimidating, stalking, vandalizing, stealing, shooting, stabbing, raping, and killing. But the local media and public officials are largely silent about the problem. Crime is color blind, says a Milwaukee police chief.1 Race is not important, a Chicago newspaper editor assures us. That denies the obvious: America is the most race conscious society in the world. We learn that fact every day from black caucuses, black unions, black ministers, black teachers, black music, black art, black poets, black salon owners, black public employees, black names, black police officers, and black media. We learn it in stories written by members of the National Association of Black Journalists.
We talk about everything black except black mob violence and lawlessness. That is taboo. And the result is that few know about it. Fewer still are talking about it. Today it is at epidemic levels in almost every city in the country. More than ninety cities have been under attack. Some cities have suffered dozens of attacks in the last two years alone. The list of cities under attack is long and getting longer:
Atlantic City
Birmingham
Charlotte
Chicago
Denver
Georgetown
Greensboro
Kansas City
Las Vegas
Los Angeles
Miami
Milwaukee
Mobile
Nashville
New York
Philadelphia
Portland
Rochester
Saratoga Springs
Seattle
Washington, DC
Wilmington
Peoria
Vallejo
Des Moines
Dallas
Rehoboth Beach
Baltimore
Montgomery County, MD
Boston
St. Louis
Brighton Beach
And many more.
Des Moines, Iowa? Yes, at the Iowa State Fair no less, during what the Des Moines Register called Beat Whitey Night.2
Peoria, Illinois? Absolutely. As many as nine race riots occurred in 2011 alone right in the heart of Middle America, including “a large-scale illegal fireworks display in a housing complex” that turned into a riot.3
Milwaukee? Yes, on the Fourth of July 2011. After looting a nearby convenience store, a crowd of nearly one hundred blacks set upon some white teens on a picnic. After beating one white woman, a black woman noted “Oh white girl bleed a lot.” At the Milwaukee State Fair, in what was probably the most explicit and public hate crime in years, hundreds of black people roamed the fairgrounds targeting white people for violence.4
You didn’t hear about that? Then you probably did not hear about the biggest race riot in America: Black Beach Week every Memorial Day in Miami Beach.
You will.
Along with the violence, it is amazing how often the videos feature laughing and mocking that would never make it into a movie script because it is too pathological to believe. Truth is stranger than fiction, because truth does not have to make sense.
In August 2011 on a porch in Wilmington, Delaware, ten black men beat a delivery man unconscious. While they laughed. I was only 200 yards away at the time and would have heard the incident had I not been sitting next to a fan. Two months before, a dozen black people attacked joggers with tear gas at Brandywine River Park. A few weeks later, a mob of twenty black people surrounded a bicyclist, knocked him down, and stole his bike. But since only four people actually put their hands on the cyclist, the local newspaper said only four people were involved. This kind of math happens a lot.5
A few weeks after that incident, ten black people attacked a minister. He was left dazed and confused, not just by the attack but also since his church had done so much to promote racial harmony. A year later, a black mob attacked another delivery driver. It was three doors down from my house and right in f
ront of the homes of two police officers.
That is just a glimpse at the racial violence in one small town.
Almost as astonishing as the widespread racial violence is the willingness of people in authority and the media to deny it, ignore it, explain it away, condone it, and even fib about it.
I know that’s a big accusation, but I’ll back it up.
In Chicago, after weeks of racial violence and weeks of the newspapers refusing to mention the crime was exclusively black mobs rampaging through the downtown, the superintendent of the police said he figured out who was to blame for gun violence: Sarah Palin. A year later he blamed the “pilgrims.”
Yes, that is what he said, and I explain more in chapter 8.
Congressman Bobby Rush said black violence in Chicago was routine and the only reason anyone was paying attention to it was because it was black on white violence. This is a theme heard in Rochester, Washington, D.C., and dozens of other places. “What’s the big deal? This has been happening a long time in black neighborhoods.”6
SCAN ME!
VIDEO: Bobby Rush on Black Violence
Congressman Rush is probably right, which means this problem is hundreds of times worse than we think. In the Milwaukee July 4th incident, the police refused to take reports or make arrests. For all intents and purposes, it would never have existed if not for some of the victims coming forward and demanding action.
Many do not.
In Philadelphia, Asian students in the public schools had endured years of racial abuse at the hands of black students. The solution the school superintendent came up with was to give the Asian students a pamphlet on how not to antagonize black students.
According to The New York Times, the 2010 riots on the streets of South Philly had “no racial component” and were “nothing much,” said the mayor at first. Then events forced him to acknowledge the obvious: groups of black people were taking racial violence to a new level.7
A dangerous level with greater frequency.
It’s not just the media that is reluctant to connect the dots of the racial element behind the violence. Even many victims do not like to talk about the race of their attackers. Some are flat out afraid. Violent crime will do that to you. In Philadelphia, one victim—mentioned later—said talking about the race of her attackers was “creepy.” Her friends say pointing it out is “racist.” In Milwaukee, another victim said it would be too divisive. In Springfield, Illinois, football fans accused a mom of being racist after she demanded justice for her son after he was almost killed at a party thrown by a black fraternity and attended by members of the football team.8
The denial is deep, so is the intimidation from those who do not wish anyone to talk about this topic. Gawker.com blamed the Drudge Report for bringing the epidemic of racial violence to our attention, saying the stories were “run-of-the-mill summer crime stories that happen to involve black people.”9
Deniers always say the same thing: One, it does not exist. Two, here is why it does exist. Psychiatrists tell us we are only as sick as our secrets. Race is our biggest secret. It is a sickness we can end.
Police, media, and even victims may be unwilling to talk about racial violence, but the Internet—YouTube and Twitter specifically—tell the truth.
I first started reading about the racial crime and violence epidemic on Drudge while researching the topic for a talk radio show my brother and I host on WDEL in Wilmington, Delaware.
One story led to five, which led to twenty-five, which led to 125, and on and on. My writing has won more than fifty awards and has appeared in more than one thousand media outlets around the globe, including The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Washington Post, Boston Globe, and Miami Herald.
Writing about race and crime is not new territory for me. I used to be a ghostwriter for the first black chair of the US Commission on Civil Rights. I wrote a story that got a black person out of prison after he was unjustly convicted of trying to kill his white girlfriend. That was a big deal for NPR, the Los Angeles Times and others. I wrote several stories about fake hate crimes, and how the perpetrators suckered the daily papers into writing them. Today I write about racial violence and its denial for World Net Daily. Over the years I have found that writing about race can be treacherous, so here are my rules: no stereotypes, no generalizations, no explanations, and no apologies. Also, no causes or solutions. Just the facts.
As I started to unravel the threads of the attacks I read about on Drudge, it became clear right away that this was happening all over the country and had been for at least a year or two. It was also clear that newspapers were underreporting it—when they reported it at all.
But whenever I showed the YouTube videos or news accounts to a reporter, they would always say race had nothing to do with it. This denial was so widespread that I knew there was enough information for more than just a magazine article, so I published the first edition of this book in 2011. That opened the flood gates. Since then I have been gathering more examples of black mob violence from all over the country. Cities big and small. Places where you might expect it, and places where it came as a total surprise. Places like Peoria, Indianapolis, Charlotte, Gainseville, Springfield, and dozens of other unlikely cities both big and small.
Since then, I have compiled notes, gathered more accounts, and included QR codes to make the links easier to find. There are a lot of source URLs to pictures and videos that don’t just tell you about the events, they show you the actual events. If you are reading the e-book, just click on the video links throughout or the links to the articles in the endnotes. If you are reading the print book and don’t have a smart phone, you can see all the links at WND.com. I’ll also keep current links posted at WhiteGirl-BleedaLot.com, because these links have a way of disappearing.
A lot of people buy this book for themselves and for their recalcitrant brother-in-law or co-worker who simply deny this is happening. I am grateful for all the support and Facebook friends, and for all the news tips, tweets and retweets, letters to reporters, and calls to talk radio. They made a big difference. I hope new readers will join the fight.
Most newspapers do not report on black mob violence. But the pictures tell the real story. So do the eyewitness accounts on the Internet. A reporter for a major daily paper in St. Louis defended his paper’s refusal to make any connection between race and violent crime by saying “everyone already knows who did it, anyway.”
Here we verify, not guess. While I rely on local news for facts about the attacks, for the racial identity of the attackers, most of the time I look at the pictures from the paper, YouTube, the Internet, and good old fashioned reporting.
In talking about racial crime and violence on our talk radio show, my brother and I have learned many people want to deny it, then explain it away. Underneath the denials and explanations are the crimes. That is what this book is about.
We are going to look at many stories of racial violence across this country from roughly 2009 to the present to show how widespread, violent, and detached these rioters are. We’ll look at the facts of the riots, the lawlessness, and the deniers. Then you can come to your own conclusions. Or even ideas about causes and solutions. But the facts of the violence must come first.
Let’s start in Philly.
1
THE PHILADELPHIA SYNDROME
If a liberal reporter gets beat up in a race riot, did it really happen?
“It’s not our fault you can’t fight.”
Emily Guendelsberger had nothing to fear from black mob violence in Philadelphia. Despite the news reports of dozens of violent events in her neighborhood during 2009 and 2010, she dismissed it. It’s just not cool to notice the race of the attackers, so like the media and public officials, she pretended she didn’t.
Guendelsberger was an editor at Onion Magazine, a lifestyle guide for the hopelessly hip complete with gratuitous shots at Sarah Palin. Guendelsberger and her reporter buddies were the good guys, just out for an evening of fu
n in the urban core of South Philadelphia. And if the chance for racial violence was present, the adrenaline added a bit of spice.
In 2010 Guendelsberger wrote a column for the Philadelphia Daily News about why using the term “flash mob” to describe the large groups of black people organizing on Twitter belied a fundamental misunderstanding of what was happening.
Unprecedented racial violence? Nothing to worry about. Losing the term “flash mob” to another meaning? Now “them’s some fightin’ words.”
In the two years prior to the night Guendelsberger and her band of urban pioneers were attacked, Philadelphia had seen dozens of episodes of racial mob violence. As I write this, the local news just finished a story on three black people who had been convicted of racial violence. The reporter said Philly had seen five cases of mob violence in the last year.
SCAN ME!
VIDEO: Minimalizing the Violence
I’m not sure how he’s defining “mob violence” because by my count there are many more than five episodes in Philadelphia. Many share the same characteristics: punching, stealing cell phones, laughing at the victims, sending text messages on stolen phones, fighting, and assaulting police officers. And what do the public officials and press do? Minimize, marginalize, deny, and even condone the behavior.1
Even so, in June of 2011, Guendelsberger and her friends were quite surprised when their nonviolent liberal intentions did nothing but encourage a crowd of more than a thousand black people to assault her. One of the rioters told another victim that night, “it’s not our fault you can’t fight.”2
The initial newspaper accounts say it was only forty people. That’s a mob in itself, but the reporters never mentioned that these were just an offshoot of the thousands of black people who had swarmed the upscale bars, restaurants, and shops in South Philadelphia with mayhem on their minds. They were running through the streets, assaulting people in restaurants, stealing phones and purses, and pulling people off bicycles. It was violent-very violent. And race was never mentioned.
Not one of the thousands cared enough to call the police or to help Guendelsberger and her friends when they were herded into an alley and beaten and robbed. The thugs were laughing the entire time. And no one came forward to identify the assailants.
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